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Date: April 27, 2024 Sat
Time: 6:52 pm
congo, democratic republic
Time: 6:52 pm
congo, democratic republic
Results for congo, democratic republic
260 total results foundAuthor: Bartels, Susan Title: Now, the World is Without Me: An Investigation of Sexual Violence in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo Summary: Sexual violence is deeply stigmatized in Congolese culture and many of those affected live in remote or insecure regions. Researchers from the Harvard Humanitarian Initiative performed a retrospective cohort study of sexual violence survivors presenting to Panzi Hospital with the specific aim of answering the following outstanding questions: 1) When, where and how are women being attacked and what makes them vulnerable to sexual violence; and 2) How has the rape epidemic in South Kivu evolved over the last five years? Details: Cambridge, MA: Harvard Humanitarian Initiative, 2010. 66p. Source: Year: 2010 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Rape Shelf Number: 118293 |
Author: Panel of Experts on the Democratic Republic of the Congo Title: Final Report of the Panel of Experts on the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth of the Democratic Republic of the Congo Summary: June 2000, the Council requested the U.N. Secretary-General to establish the Panel to follow up on reports and collect information on all activities of illegal exploitation of natural resources and other forms of wealth of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The Panel was also mandated to research and analyse the links between the exploitation of the natural resources and other forms of wealth in the Democratic Republic of Congo and the continuation of the conflict. The Panel’s first report, issued on 12 April 2001 (document S/2001/357), stated that illegal exploitation of the mineral and forest resources of the Democratic Republic of the Congo was in the form of mass-scale looting, as well as "systematic and systemic exploitation", which required planning and organization. Key individual actors -- on the one hand, including top army commanders and businessmen, and government structures, on the other -- have been the engines of that systematic and systemic exploitation. The report named functionaries, companies, banks and individuals involved in the exploitation. The current report notes that the "elite networks" involved in resource exploitation are changing their tactics, as national armies begin withdrawals from the eastern Congo, where a self-financing war economy had been built, centring on mineral exploitation. The Governments of Rwanda and Zimbabwe, as well as powerful individuals in Uganda, have adopted strategies for maintaining the mechanisms for revenue generation, many of which involve criminal activities, once their troops have departed. The elite network of Congolese and Zimbabwean political, military and commercial interests seeks to maintain its grip on the main mineral resources -- diamonds, cobalt, copper germanium -- of the government-controlled area. The network has transferred ownership of at least $5 billion of assets from the State- mining sector to private companies under its control in the past three years, with no compensation or benefit for the State treasury of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. In the report, the Panel identifies the circles and individuals in the elite network and its strategies for generating revenues, in the State-controlled area, as well as areas controlled by Rwanda and Uganda. Even with the establishment of an all-inclusive government, control over natural resources would require time and would be possible only within the framework of sound institution-building. In the interim, it is the view of the Panel that continued monitoring and reporting on illegal exploitation will at least serve to deter these activities. The most important element in halting that exploitation relates to the political will of those who support, protect and benefit from the networks, the report states. The Panel does not support the imposition of an embargo or moratorium banning the export of raw materials originating in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It says that, nevertheless, restrictive measures need to be taken vis-à-vis the role of companies and individuals involved in arms supply and resource plundering. There was also a need to apply forceful disincentive and incentives. The report states that an international conference on peace, security, democracy and sustainable development in the Great Lakes region would be an ideal forum at which to address the reorientation of the regional trading system to post-conflict imperatives, and for negotiating the framework of a multilateral agreement to carry it out. In further recommendations, the Panel calls for institutional reforms, financial and technical measures, and a monitoring process that could report to the Security Council on a regular basis. Details: Vienna: United Nations Security Council, 2002. 59p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 15, 2011 at: www.grandslacs.net/doc/2477.pdf Year: 2002 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Crimes Against Nature Shelf Number: 121009 |
Author: Kelly, Jocelyn Title: Hope for the Future Again: Tracing the Effects of Sexual Violence and Conflict on Families and Communities in Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo Summary: The vicious and widespread sexual violence that characterizes the conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) not only traumatizes individuals, it fractures families and communities. In our search for solutions to this protracted and brutal war, the collective voice of affected communities has been largely silent. This project is an attempt to amplify these community voices – bringing forward their own words, needs, concerns and hopes for the future. This report outlines how violence in general, and sexual violence in particular, has changed the family foundations, economies and community structures of those touched by it. While difficult to trace and quantify, these effects are not secondary to individual trauma – they are fundamental to how individuals, families and communities experience, and ultimately recover from, conflict. Only through understanding the ripple effects of this particularly savage and destabilizing violence can we begin to address holistic needs for healing. Details: Cambridge, MA: Harvard Humanitarian Initiative, 2011. 57p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 4, 2011 at: http://dl.dropbox.com/u/13218750/Hope-for-the-Future-Again-report-2011.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Rape Shelf Number: 121617 |
Author: de Koning, Ruben Title: Conflict Minerals in the Democratic Republic of the Congo: Aligning Trade and Security Interventions Summary: Mineral resources have played a crucial role in fuelling protracted armed conflict in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Illegal armed groups, state forces and civilian authorities are all involved in illicit rent seeking from the mineral sector, with serious repercussions for security, human rights and development. This Policy Paper examines the the prospects for and interactions between various trade- and security-related initiatives that are aimed at demilitarizing the supply chains of key minerals. It also describes the changing context in which such initiatives operate following a series of military campaigns against illegal armed groups. Finally, it offers policy recommendations for how the Congolese Government and international actors can coordinate and strengthen their responses in order to break resource–conflict links in eastern DRC. Details: Stockholm: Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 2011. 42p. Source: Internet Resource: SIPRI Policy Paper 27: Accessed July 6, 2011 at: Year: 2011 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Armed Conflict Shelf Number: 121979 |
Author: Global Witness Title: Digging in Corruption: Fraud, Abuse and Exploitation in Katanga's Copper and Cobalt Mines Summary: The copper and cobalt mining industry in Katanga, in southeastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), continues to be plagued by fraud, abuse and political interference. Global Witness’s research confirmed entrenched patterns of illicit exports of minerals across the DRC-Zambia border, with government and security officials either turning a blind eye to false or inaccurate export certificates, or actively colluding with trading companies to circumvent control procedures. Large quantities of minerals are leaving the country undeclared, representing a huge loss for the Congolese economy – but a vast gain for a small number of powerful actors. The big influx of foreign companies pouring into Katanga since 2004 has presented yet more opportunities for the political elite to enrich itself. Historic elections scheduled for 30 July 2006 could provide a unique opportunity for fundamental reform. Global Witness’s report contains recommendations for priority actions by the new government, by companies and by international donors. These measures could have long-lasting effects for the development of Katanga province – and for the country as a whole – if they are embarked upon without delay. Details: Longon: Global Witness, 2006. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 21, 2011 at: http://www.globalwitness.org/library/digging-corruption Year: 2006 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Corruption (Katanga) Shelf Number: 122135 |
Author: Amnesty International Title: The Time for Justice is Now: New Strategy Needed in the Democratic Republic of the Congo Summary: The people of the Democratic Republic of the Congo have been beset by violence and human rights abuses for two decades. Crimes under international law – including mass rape, torture and murder – have been committed in almost every corner of the country and are still being committed with alarming frequency. Impunity remains pervasive: while millions of men, women and children have suffered as a result of the violence, only a handful of perpetrators have ever been brought to justice. After decades of neglect, mismanagement and poor governance, the Congolese justice system is largely unable to deliver accountability, address impunity and secure reparation. Its credibility is low because of political and military interference, endemic corruption, lack of personnel, training and resources and its failure to protect victims and witnesses, provide legal aid, enforce its own rulings or even keep convicted prisoners behind bars. Despite some efforts at reform, the government has not shown the clear political and financial commitment necessary to respond to the Congolese population’s need for justice. This report identifies fundamental flaws within the criminal justice system that are more often than not overlooked by current policy and programmes. It examines the complementary role that some proposed transitional justice mechanisms could play. Amnesty International calls for the development of a comprehensive justice strategy that can deliver long-term and sustainable reform of the Congolese justice system in order to overcome impunity. Details: London: Amnesty International, 2011. 88p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 11, 2011 at: http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/AFR62/006/2011/en/6cd862df-be60-418e-b70d-7d2d53a0a2d4/afr620062011en.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Criminal Justice Reform Shelf Number: 122373 |
Author: Pole Institute Title: Blood Minerals: The Criminalization of the Mining Industry in Eastern DRC Summary: The socio-economic consequences of persistent conflict and state failure in Eastern Congo and the search for ways in which the Congolese can reappropriate their own destiny have always been at the heart of the work of Pole Institute. Partly triggered by Pole Institute's research on the mineral trade, much international discussion has arisen in recent years about reordering the Eastern Congolese economy in order to make it less conflict-prone. While recognising the good intentions behind these efforts, we are convinced that sustainable and sensible solutions can only be found by those directly concerned. For this, local actors and stakeholders need to come together in an atmosphere of trust and mutual respect in order to arrive at a common understading of the problem with a view to working out solutions. To this end, in 2010 Pole Institute has set up a Round Table around the mineral economy of Eastern Congo, uniting public and private decision makers, state reprensentatives, enterprises, mining cooperatives and civil society organisations. The first meeting of this Round Table in March 2010 gave rise to a series of written papers which are collected in this volume. They will serve as the basis for further discussion. 1. The Minerals of North Kivu: A Blessing or a Curse? In this first article Onesphore SEMATUMBA (Director of information at Pole Institute) describes the decline and deterioration of the mining sector in Eastern DRC and the way that a blessing (in terms of mineral abundance) has turned into a curse (the blood minerals over which many wars have been fought and countless civilian lives lost and societal life and structures destroyed). A sick mining industry has replaced a previously healthy and thriving agricultural and pastoral way of life. Sematumba asks: is it possible to decriminalize the mining industry and return to it some measure of national and international respectability, accountability and dignity? 2. A Congo without the Congolese. This is the illustrative phrase that Aloys TEGERA (Director of research at Pole Institute) uses in the second article in this dossier to highlight the flaws in what would otherwise be laudable efforts by the international community (e.g. Germany, the United Kingdom, Europe, Asia, the World Bank) to render the minerals of the DRC ‘clean’ and conflict-free. These efforts, Tegera argues, are largely ineffectual in a bankrupt Congo in which the State has ceased to exist in many parts of the country. In order to rehabilitate and decriminalize the mining industry which, according to Tegera, generates more than two-thirds of the revenue of North Kivu, it is necessary to, in the first place, work towards the re-establishment of the Congolese state. Any efforts by the international community to re-organize and legislate for the Congolese mining industry without taking this fundamental step into account risk failure, “unless, of course, the various lobbies have in mind a Congo without the Congolese, which would clearly be absurd”. 3. A state within a state. “Bisie is a state within a state. There is no authority, either at the territorial level, or that of the province, and much less on the national level, that is able to control what goes on in this region”. Primo Pascal RUDAHIGWA journalist and vice-president of Pole Institute, gives an account of life in Bisie, a mining settlement in the deep jungle of Walikale Territory in eastern DRC in which cassiterite is produced under extremely primitive and inhuman conditions. Rudahigwa’s description of this source of cassiterite paints a vivid picture of heavy military involvement (both government army and rebel groups) and of human misery. Those who benefit from the mineral produced in Bisie (which resembles “an immense refugee camp”) are not the local inhabitants but the military and mining companies and traders based outside the region, with no interest in investing in local communities. This, for Rudahigwa, is “one more example of bad governance: those in power do nothing for the people who produce the minerals”. 4. Absence of proportion. In this forth article of the dossier Emmanuel NDIMUBANZI NGOROBA (member of Pole Institute and the Manager of the Provincial Division of Mines, North Kivu) considers the legislative instruments in place to regulate the mining industry in the DRC, and he finds that this legislation riddled with internal contradictions and incoherence. Ndimubanzi paints a picture of a largely ineffectual body of legislation as legal texts are both in outright contradiction with each other as well as with the reality of the situation on the ground. Having highlighted the problems created by contradictory legislation governing the mining sector, he proposes that similar types of legislation governing other industries be critically reviewed, especially legislation governing the agricultural industry, the environment, land and forests. 5. Bringing the Congolese people back in. This pregnant phrase by Dominic JOHNSON (a journalist and researcher, member of Pole Institute) is at the heart of the fifth and last article in this dossier: “Bringing local people back in is therefore the key to the success of reform programmes for the mineral trade in Eastern Congo”. Johnson analyses the efforts of foreign governments, NGOs, the United Nations and international regulatory frameworks (American, British, German and others) to sanitize the mining industry of the DRC. A glaring lacuna in all these efforts is the lack of involvement of the Congolese people in seeking solutions to problems that face them in their own country, and Johnson argues that unless the Congolese people are brought “back in”, all these international efforts will remain, for their originators, an exercise in creating the DRC after their own image. Johnson argues that because of this failure to include the Congolese people in crucial debate on ‘their’ issues, the international community has made a serious error of judgment in not recognizing that the situation in the east of the DRC goes beyond just a presumed squabble over minerals and raises fundamental questions of the structuring of state power which have to be taken into account by anyone hoping to work with the Congolese state in order to reform the Congolese mining sector. Details: Goma, Democratic Republic of the Congo: Pole Institute, 2010. 46p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 7, 2011 at: http://www.pole-institute.org/documents/Blood_Minerals.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Conflict Minerals Shelf Number: 123248 |
Author: Smits, Rosan Title: Increasing Security in DR Congo: Gender-Responsive Strategies for Combating Sexual Violence Summary: Current efforts of the international community to combat rape in the Democratic Republic of Congo are often not responsive to the manner in which masculinity and femininity are performed in relation to sexual violence in the aftermath of armed conflict. This may put a strain on their effectiveness. Focusing on the phenomenon of sexual violence among civilians in a post-conflict environment this policy brief offers an analysis of how an intensified focus on the gender-dimensions of violence will improve programmatic effectiveness in the fight against sexual violence. Details: The Hague: Clingendael Conflict Research Unit, 2011. 9p. Source: Internet Resource: CRU Policy Brief #17: Accessed November 7, 2011 at: http://www.cd.undp.org/mediafile/20110531_cru_Policybrief_rsmits.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Rape Shelf Number: 123249 |
Author: Baaz, Maria Eriksson Title: The Complexity of Violence: A Critical Analysis of Sexual Violence in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) Summary: Reporting on armed conflicts invariably relies on one or more basic storylines that impart sense to the unfolding events and the roles of actors. Such a narrative usually casts some in the role of victims and others as perpetrators. The most prevalent storyline of violence in the reporting on the warscape of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has been rape. Indeed, the DRC has become infamous globally through the reports on the massive scale of sexual violence. In response to the ways in which sexual violence in the DRC has been described and conceptualised, this report sets out to identify and critically reflect upon various factors that may contribute to this violence. The report will not embark on a description of the character of the violence by citing survivor testimonies, since this has already been done in numerous other reports. Neither will it embark on the impossible task of trying to assess the real numbers of violations committed. In sum, this report aims at contributing to a better understanding of the circumstances in which sexual violence is committed. In doing so, the report underscores the complexity of Gender-based Violence and the problems inherent in one-sided explanations and a singular focus on Sexual Gender-based Violence as separate from other forms of violence. Details: Uppsala, Sweden: Nordic Africa Institute // Nordiska Afrikainstitutet // Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency, 2010. 70p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 7, 2011 at: http://nai.diva-portal.org/smash/record.jsf?searchId=1&pid=diva2:319527 Year: 2010 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Rape Shelf Number: 123250 |
Author: Nlandu, Thierry Mayamba Title: Mapping Police Services in the Democratic Republic of Congo: Institutional Interactions at Central, Provincial and Local Levels Summary: This paper examines the roles, responsibilities and interactions between the various formal and informal institutions and stakeholders involved in the management of police services in the DRC. It identifies informal networks that influence decision-making processes and policy implementation, and provides an analysis of interactions between the Congolese population and national and international actors. It also aims to highlight both horizontal and vertical accountability mechanisms within the existing legal framework, setting out to identify any legal gaps and contradictions, which could explain overlapping mandates. The study provides interesting geographical and administrative data on national security systems, and uses a multidimensional governance approach to understand the complexity of the security sector and the interconnectedness between the relevant actors. The study concludes that stakeholders of the security and police sectors of the DRC are linked together in a web of complex and dynamic systems, characterised by discrepancies between theory and practice. It is inaccurate to think of these systems and mechanisms as working either in opposition to one another or in parallel. In fact, these systems intertwine more than they conflict, and there are significant overlaps and confusion with regard to the mandates of the existing institutions, structures and actors involved. All security services in the DRC possess a legal framework within which they must operate. The legal contradictions and loopholes identified in this paper are often the result of dubious interpretations, or even deliberate misinterpretations of existing operational provisions underlying the functioning of security services. The research concludes that there is very poor coordination between the various actors and institutions involved in the management of security services in the DRC. This creates a dysfunctional structure characterised by a culture of impunity, with only a semblance of autonomy and independence among actors, but never with regard to senior civil servants in charge of coordination. Details: Brighton, UK: Institute of Development Studies, 2012. 107p. Source: Internet Resource: IDS Research Report 71; Accessed January 17, 2012 at: http://www.ids.ac.uk/files/dmfile/rr71.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Police (Democratic Republic of Congo) Shelf Number: 123648 |
Author: McHale, Thomas Title: "Every Home Has Its Secrets": A Mixed-Methods Study of Intimate Partner Violence, Women's Empowerment and Justice on Idjwi Island, Democratic Republic of the Congo Summary: Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a little-studied but pervasive problem in sub-Saharan Africa. Through ethnographic, quantitative and legal analysis, this mixed methods study situates the problem of IPV on Idjwi Island, South Kivu Province, Democratic Republic of the Congo as a symptom of systematic women’s disempowerment. The study began with a literature review of IPV and sexual violence against women. Perceptions of IPV were collected as part of a population-level survey that interviewed 2,100 women in households across Idjwi. Simultaneously, a rapid ethnographic assessment was conducted to understand barriers to health care access and self-identified health issues. In these interviews, women revealed IPV is a significant health concern. This study suggests that IPV is normalized in Idjwi through an interaction between legal and cultural factors. Details: Cambridge, MA: Harvard Humanitarian Initiative, Harvard University, 2011. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Student Working Paper Series: Accessed January 23, 2012 at: http://hhi.harvard.edu/images/resources/thomasmchale.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Family Violence Shelf Number: 123738 |
Author: Global Witness Title: 'The Hill Belongs to Them' - The need for international action on Congo's conflict minerals trade Summary: In eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), rebel groups and senior commanders of the national army are fighting over and illegally profiting from the country’s minerals sector. These groups, responsible for mass rape and murder, enrich themselves through international trade. This report, based on recent findings of the UN Group of Experts and Global Witness’s research over the past year, discusses this crisis. Our report looks at the measures that are needed to end the “conflict minerals” trade – and to ensure that eastern Congo’s mines help rather than hinder development. Details: London: Global Witness, 2010. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 4, 2012 at http://www.globalwitness.org/sites/default/files/library/The%20hill%20belongs%20to%20them141210.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Conflict Minerals (Democratic Republic of Congo) Shelf Number: 123966 |
Author: Leslie, Zorba Title: The Congo Report: Slavery in Conflict Minerals Summary: Slavery in the Democratic Republic of the Congo is nothing new. Central Africa was a site of slave raiding for the Red Sea and Indian Ocean slave trade long before the arrival of Europeans. But the Belgian colonial occupation, and especially the personal fiefdom of King Leopold II, brought a particularly brutal brand of slavery enforced through torture, limb amputation and murder by the mercenary Force Publique. This was slavery on a massive scale, and an estimated ten million people died over a fifteen-year period. The term “crimes against humanity” was first used to describe this slavery and genocide. The driving force behind this assault was the extraction of Congo’s riches, focused then on rubber and ivory. The loss of cultural memory was so great that few Congolese today have any knowledge of the genocide or mass enslavement. Congo’s people achieved independence from colonial rule in 1960, but were soon subjected to the predatory regime of Mobutu Sese Seko. Mobutu robbed the country of its riches while neglecting the government’s most basic functions for more than three decades. The jungle literally grew up over the country’s network of roads; unpaid soldiers turned to living off the people; and the people did whatever they could to survive. A corrupt informal economy flourished, fertile ground for modern forms of slavery. Mobutu was deposed in 1997, ending a short civil war in which the victorious rebels were supported principally by Rwanda. But the resulting instability ushered in a second and catastrophic war that left 5 million dead from the conflict, its aftermath, and related famine and disease. Abuses committed by all sides in the conflict are well documented. Demands for justice for the crimes committed during that era have been strengthened by a recent UN report on the most serious violations, including slavery, committed between 1993 and 2003. While peace came officially in 2002, the conflict between the army, armed groups composed in part of rebels from neighboring countries, and a number of homegrown, rag-tag militias in the eastern countryside never stopped. As of this writing, ill-prepared elections scheduled for November 2011 are generating fears of further instability and even a return to full-scale conflict. Meanwhile, the war against women and girls in particular, fought by both armed groups and civilians through means of sexual violence, has never ended. In a context in which the rule of law has collapsed, members of armed groups fight and—more often—prey upon civilians for several reasons. They secure their survival through looting. They fight for control over land that was once devoted to farming and ranching, sometimes along ethnic fault lines, and they fight for control over the mines. This report documents several types of slavery in Congo’s mines. Some forms of slavery are directly linked to the conflict, including the use of so-called “child soldiers” and the kidnapping of civilians for forced labor and sexual slavery by illegal armed groups and uncontrolled army units. Other forms of slavery are familiar around the world: debt bondage, forced marriage, slavery in the commercial sex trade, and child slavery that grows out of poverty and the lack of community-enforced norms respecting child rights. But while slavery is not new, neither are efforts to stop it. An anti-slavery campaign at the end of the 19th century broke Leopold’s grip on Congo. Today, human rights workers in Congo’s war-afflicted east, supported by activists in North America and Europe, work to end the widespread abuses of rape, slavery, and wanton killing. Nonetheless, the dynamics of slavery and how the slavery of eastern Congo fits into contemporary legal definitions of slavery are not well understood. There is no doubt, however, that this is slavery—the control of people using violence and its threat to extract work or sexual exploitation, a radical diminution of free will, intentional coercion to make the victims believe they cannot walk away, and no pay beyond subsistence, if that. Armed groups are the principal perpetrators, but they are not alone. Civilian middle managers, moneylenders, brothel owners, and even parents in some cases, are also responsible for these modern forms of slavery. This means that ending the conflict is only part of the solution. Nor is it possible for a modern-day abolitionist simply to step into the world of eastern Congo, with all of its history and complexity, and expect to rescue those in slavery one-by-one. Congolese abolitionists and human rights workers, joining with anti-slavery workers around the world, must and do operate at multiple levels. The necessary approaches include: active and courageous international diplomacy, pressure from all quarters on Congolese and neighboring governments including Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi; regulatory, consumer and investor pressure on companies to clean slavery out of their supply chains; and the strengthening of mining communities at the local level. Details: Washington, DC: Free the Slaves, 2011. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 10, 2012 at http://www.freetheslaves.net/Document.Doc?id=243 Year: 2011 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: (Democratic Republic of Congo) Shelf Number: 124426 |
Author: Title: Black Gold in the Congo: Threat to Stability or Development Opportunity? Summary: Although it should provide development opportunities, renewed oil interest in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) represents a real threat to stability in a still vulnerable post-conflict country. Exploration has begun, but oil prospecting is nurturing old resentments among local communities and contributing to border tensions with neighbouring countries. If oil reserves are confirmed in the east, this would exacerbate deep-rooted conflict dynamics in the Kivus. An upsurge in fighting since the start of 2012, including the emergence of a new rebellion in North Kivu and the resumption of armed groups’ territorial expansion, has further complicated stability in the east, which is the new focus for oil exploration. New oil reserves could also create new centres of power and question Katanga’s (DRC’s traditional economic hub) political influence. Preventive action is needed to turn a real threat to stability into a genuine development opportunity. Potential oil reserves straddle the country’s borders with Uganda, Angola and possibly other countries and could rekindle old sensitivities once exploration commences. In the context of a general oil rush in Central and East Africa, the lack of clearly defined borders, especially in the Great Lakes region, poses significant risk for maintaining regional stability. Clashes between the Congolese and Ugandan armies in 2007 led to the Ngurdoto Accords establishing a system for regulating border oil problems, but Kinshasa’s reluctance to implement this agreement and the collapse of the Ugandan-Congolese dialogue threaten future relations between the two countries. In the west, failure to find an amicable solution to an Angolan-Congolese dispute about offshore concessions has worsened relations between the two countries and led to the violent expulsion from Angola of Congolese nationals. Instead of investing in the resolution of border conflicts with its neighbours before beginning oil exploration, the Congolese government is ignoring the problem, failing to dialogue with Uganda and officially claiming an extension of its maritime borders with Angola. The abduction in 2011 of an oil employee in the Virunga Park, in the Kivus, is a reminder that exploration is taking place in disputed areas where ethnic groups are competing for territorial control and the army and militias are engaged in years of illegally exploiting natural resources. Given that the Kivus are high-risk areas, oil discovery could aggravate the conflict. Moreover, confirmation of oil reserves in the Central Basin and the east could feed secessionist tendencies in a context of failed decentralisation and financial discontent between the central government and the provinces. Poor governance has been the hallmark of the oil sector since exploration resumed in the east and west of the country. Even with only one producing oil company, the black gold is the main source of government revenue and yet, with exploration in full swing, oil sector reform is very slow. Instead of creating clear procedures, a transparent legal framework and robust institutions, previous governments have behaved like speculators, in a way that is reminiscent of practices in the mining sector. Reflecting the very degraded business climate, they have allocated and reallocated concessions and often acted without considering the needs of the local people and international commitments, especially regarding environmental protection. The official division of exploration blocks includes natural parks, some of which are World Heritage Sites. It also directly threatens the resources of local populations in some areas. Initiatives to promote financial and contractual transparency are contradicted by the lack of transparency in allocating concessions. The state’s failure to adequately regulate the diverging and potentially conflicting interests of companies and poor communities is clearly causing local resentment, which could easily flare up into local violence that could be manipulated. In a context of massive poverty, weak state, poor governance and regional insecurity, an oil rush will have a strong destabilising effect unless the government adopts several significant steps regionally and nationally to avert such a devastating scenario. Regionally, it should draw on the close support of the African Union (AU) and the World Bank Group to design a management model for cross-border reserves and help facilitate a border demarcation program. Nationally, the government should implement oil sector reform, declare a moratorium on the exploration of insecure areas, especially in the east where the situation is again deteriorating, until these territories are made secure, and involve the provinces in the main management decisions concerning this resource. Details: Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2012. 42p. Source: Internet Resource: Africa Report No. 188: Accessed July 30, 2012 at: http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/africa/central-africa/dr-congo/188-black-gold-in-the-congo-threat-to-stability-or-development-opportunity Year: 2012 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Corruption (Congo, Democratic Republic) Shelf Number: 125797 |
Author: Global Witness Title: Coming Clean: How Supply Chain Controls Can Stop Congo's Minerals Trade Fuelling Conflict Summary: Global Witness research in eastern Congo highlights efforts by companies and Congolese officials to lay the foundations of a conflict-free minerals trade in the shadow of entrenched military control and impunity. For nearly 15 years abusive armed groups, including factions of the Congolese national army, have preyed on the trade in tin, tantalum, tungsten and gold to fund a brutal war in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The region’s natural resource wealth is not the root cause of the violence, but competition over the lucrative minerals trade has become an incentive for all warring parties to continue fighting. The local population in North and South Kivu provinces have borne the brunt of a conflict characterised by murder, pillage, mass rape and displacement. The metals mined in eastern DRC enter global markets and make their way into products such as mobile phones, cars, planes and jewellery. Recent international efforts to tackle the trade in conflict minerals have focused on getting companies sourcing from Congo to do checks on their supply chains – known as due diligence – to make sure they are not supporting abusive armed groups through their purchases. The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) has facilitated the development of comprehensive due diligence guidance for companies using tin, tantalum, tungsten and gold and the UN Security Council has issued similar guidelines. In 2010 the US Congress passed the Dodd Frank Act, which contains a provision requiring US-based companies using minerals from DRC to carry out supply chain due diligence. The US Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) has not yet issued the final rules to accompany the law’s section on conflict minerals, however, and as a result the law’s implementation has now been delayed for over a year. While the failure of the SEC to complete Dodd Frank has hampered moves to clean up supply chains internationally, Global Witness field research carried out in March 2012 in eastern DRC highlights some significant progress on the ground. Building on reforms introduced last year, the DRC government passed a law in February requiring all mining and mineral trading companies in Congo to carry out due diligence in line with OECD standards. In May 2012 the Congolese government began implementing this law with the suspension of two export houses which it claims have failed to comply. Private sector attitudes in North and South Kivu appear to be changing; one example is how local traders have recently launched an initiative to train those working in the mining sector in how to carry out due diligence. These positive moves by the Congolese authorities and some local companies come against the backdrop of continued military and militia control of mining areas and a new insurgency led by an army general who has been running a major minerals smuggling racket. Bosco Ntaganda, nicknamed ‘Terminator’, previously fought with the CNDP rebel group until his defection to the government in 2009 and is wanted by the International Criminal Court for alleged war crimes. In recent years he has exercised de facto control over all Congolese army operations in eastern DRC. In April 2012 General Ntaganda and other poorly integrated ex-insurgents staged a mutiny. The fighting which followed has displaced tens of thousands of people. Details: London: Global Witness, 2012. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 11, 2012 at: http://www.globalwitness.org/sites/default/files/120531_Coming%20Clean_lowres.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Minerals and Armed Conflict Shelf Number: 125992 |
Author: Greenpeace International Title: Stolen future: Conflitcs and logging in Congo's rainforests - the case of Danzer Summary: The logging sector in the DRC continues to make shocking headlines with its use of violence and human rights abuses to quell villagers who simply demanded that they receive what is rightfully theirs. Danzer has again been involved in a retaliation mission by security forces against a forest community, by transporting and paying the ‘commando’. On 2 May 2011, members of the forest community of Yalisika, living in the village of Bosanga in the territory of Bumba (Equateur Province), were victims of harsh violence by a group of police and military personnel. Several women and girls were raped, several people were badly beaten, the property of many villagers was destroyed, 16 people were arrested, and one victim died on the night of 2 May. Not only did the villagers suffer at the hands of military and police but Danzer’s own employee destroyed personal property, driving company equipment over villagers’ meager belongings. Later, en route from the village to the prison, the Danzer vehicle made a stopover at Danzer’s worksite, where the company manager was seen paying the security forces. This is not the first time that military intervention has followed protests by villagers against the Danzer logging company in the DRC, when forests communities try to hold the company to account for its unfulfilled promises to provide social basic infrastructure to the communities in exchange to their forests exploitation. Details: Amsterdam, The Netherlands: Greenpeace International, 2011. 13p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 21, 2012 at http://www.greenpeace.org/international/Global/international/publications/forests/2011/stolen%20future.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Forest Management (DRC) Shelf Number: 126079 |
Author: Branham, Lindsay Title: "We Suffer From War and More War" Assessment Of The Impact Of The Lord's Resistance Army On Formerly Abducted Children and Their Communities In Northeastern Democratic Republic Of The Congo Summary: The Lord’s Resistance Army [LRA] is a rebel movement that has committed some of the most grievous human rights abuses in Africa in past decades. The group is known particularly for its merciless conscription of children into its ranks. This report synthesizes voices from those who currently face the daily threat of LRA violence and represents one of the first efforts of an academic institution, Harvard Humanitarian Initiative [HHI] in collaboration with an international nongovernmental organization, Discover The Journey [DTJ], to document the effects of the LRA on the region using accounts of those currently affected, including former LRA abductees and their families, as well as community leaders, women’s groups representatives, and local and international organizations. This report focuses on better understanding community vulnerabilities to LRA violence; the nature and types of violence being perpetrated; which groups are most vulnerable to violence and its sequelae; the challenges of reintegrating returning LRA abductees; and community protection mechanisms that can be reinforced. In order to achieve these objectives while working within the constraints of a limited timeline, this work draws on thirty-three semi-structured qualitative interviews conducted in four communities in northeastern Democratic Republic of Congo [DRC] that are highly exposed to LRA violence. The research instrument was created based on informational interviews with NGO staff and community members in affected areas, and refined after pilot interviews in Dungu. The findings from this work highlight how the impact of the LRA in northeastern DRC goes far beyond direct violence and touches every aspect of life, both for formerly abducted children and their communities. This project aims to understand the impact of LRA violence at an individual and community level. In particular, the work focuses on better understanding the vulnerabilities of formerly abducted children and their social networks once these children escape from the LRA as well as their longer term needs and opportunities during the reintegration process. Successful reintegration of formerly abducted children equates to the protection of children as well as community-wide cohesion and increased functioning. Success in this area hinges on including existing family and community systems in the reintegration process, strengthening an entire support network to actively reduce trauma and stigma together. Details: Discover The Journey (DTJ); Harvard Humanitarian Initiative (HHI), 2012. 33p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 24, 2012 at http://dl.dropbox.com/u/13218750/WarAndMoreWar.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Armed Conflict (DRC) Shelf Number: 126417 |
Author: Prendergast, John Title: Can You Hear Congo Now? Cell Phones, Conflict Minerals, and the Worst Sexual Violence in the World Summary: The time has come to expose a sinister reality: Our insatiable demand for electronics products such as cell phones and laptops is helping fuel waves of sexual violence in a place that most of us will never go, affecting people most of us will never meet. The Democratic Republic of the Congo is the scene of the deadliest conflict globally since World War II. There are few other conflicts in the world where the link between our consumer appetites and mass human suffering is so direct. This reality is not the result of an elaborate cover-up, either. Most electronic companies and consumers genuinely do not appreciate the complex chain of events that ties widespread sexual violence in Congo with the minerals that power our cell phones, laptops, mp3 players, video games, and digital cameras. But now that we are beginning to understand these linkages, we need to do all we can to expose them and bring this deadly war fuelled by “conflict minerals” to an end. As a start, the Enough Project has worked with other like-minded groups to create a conflict minerals pledge that commits electronics companies to ensure their products are conflict-free. We are initiating a consumer campaign aimed at encouraging the users of these electronics products to let the biggest companies know that it matters to us that our purchases don’t prolong this ongoing tragedy. Details: Washington, DC: The Enough Project, 2009. 8p. Source: Internet Resource: October 7, 2012 at http://www.enoughproject.org/files/Can%20Your%20Hear%20Congo%20Now.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Armed Conflict Shelf Number: 126635 |
Author: Bagwell, John Title: Getting to Conflict-Free: Assessing Corporate Action on Conflict Minerals Summary: Violent conflict has persisted in eastern Congo for more than a decade and a half, causing more death than any war since World War II. Although Congo’s conflict stems from long-standing grievances, the trade in conflict minerals provides the primary fuel for the conflict. Worth hundreds of millions of dollars per year, the conflict minerals trade provides incentives for rebel groups, militias, and criminal networks within the Congolese army to control strategic mines and trading routes through patterns of violent extraction and deeply exploitative behavior. Minerals extracted from eastern Congo—the ores that produce tin, tantalum, tungsten, or the 3Ts, and gold—are essential to the electronics devices we use and depend on every day. Tin is used as solder on circuit boards in every electronic device we use; tantalum stores electricity and is essential to portable electronics and high-speed processing devices; tungsten enables cell phone vibration alerts; and gold is not only made into jewelry, but is also used in the wiring of electronic devices. These minerals are central to the technologies that have allowed our culture to thrive and that drive our businesses, our communications infrastructure, our social engagement, and our national security. With this in mind, two years ago the Enough Project initiated engagement with major electronics companies on conflict minerals, writing to 21 consumer electronics industry leaders to call their attention to this issue and inquire about the steps they were taking to ensure their products were conflict-free. Our objective was to have companies at the top of the minerals supply chain use their buying power to influence their suppliers, exerting pressure down the supply chain, a model of change that has had success in the apparel, forestry, and diamond sectors. Since then, we have seen dramatic changes, including the passage of conflict minerals legislation in the United States, and an evolving multilateral architecture for supply chain due diligence from the United Nations and OECD. We have also seen a host of efforts initiated by companies, governments, and NGOs, both in Congo and internationally, to trace supply chains back to their sources, independently audit chains-of-custody, and conceptualize certification schemes similar to the Kimberley Process for conflict diamonds. Enough has engaged with industry-wide efforts, specifically the work of the Electronics Industry Citizenship Coalition/Global e-Sustainability Initiative, or EICC-GeSI Extractives Working Group, because it “aggregates the commercial leverage,” as the chief operating officer of a major electronics company told us. However, as we have observed and as this report details, absent sustained leadership from individual companies, industry-wide efforts can also lead to a lowest common denominator response incommensurate to the scale and urgency of the issue. Individual actions by companies have a critical role in buttressing industry efforts through supply chain tracing, contractual obligations, and supporting certification. Enough presents an initial ranking on the progress made by the 21 electronics companies with whom we have engaged in this survey. The report focuses on the efforts within the industry to address the conflict minerals issue and also assesses the response of other industries that are reliant on the 3Ts and gold. These rankings are an effort to provide consumers with the information they need to purchase responsibly, as well as a means of encouraging companies to continue to move forward in good faith. We are hopeful that as the rankings are updated in subsequent reports, scores will improve along with methodology as the process for tracing, auditing, and conflict-free certification evolves. Details: Washington, DC: The Enough Project, 2010. 19p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 7, 2012 at http://www.enoughproject.org/files/corporate_action-1.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Armed Conflict (Congo) Shelf Number: 126636 |
Author: Agger, Kasper Title: Kony's Ivory: How Elephant Poaching in Congo Helps Support the Lord's Resistance Army Summary: Kasper Agger and Jonathan Hutson traveled to Garamba National Park in the Democratic Republic of Congo in January 2013. In Garamba they were hosted by African Parks, which has the jurisdiction to manage the park and its surroundings under a management agreement with the Institut Congolais pour la Conservation de la Nature, or ICCN. Recommendations about how to more effectively combat the Lord's Resistance Army are made in this report. All actions within Garamba and its surroundings, however, need to be approved by and in coordination with African Parks and the ICCN. Details: Washington, DC: Enough Project, 2013. 18p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 3, 2014 at: http://www.enoughproject.org/files/KonysIvory.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Animal Poaching Shelf Number: 132616 |
Author: Poole, Alana Title: Baraza Justice: A Case Study of Community Led Conflict Resolution in D.R. Congo Summary: Our Congolese partner Fondation Chirezi (FOCHI) has established a network of peace courts, or 'barazas', in war-torn eastern DR Congo. In 2014 we evaluated their impact, and found that lessons can be learned from this very cost effective and sustainable model, for other countries that suffer similar levels of violence. The use of peace courts in peacebuilding is not new and can be found in some form in many peacebuilding projects around the world, but it is often difficult to show the scale of its impact. What our evaluation shows is that peace courts are an important entry point for the international community, creating 'islands of peace' from which other peacebuilding activities can develop. In addition, FOCHI has developed an innovative approach to integrating women into the courts process. After first establishing a mixed-gender peace court supported by influential men, FOCHI then creates an all-female peace court to encourage women to bring cases of sexual and domestic violence. The impact has been significant, with over 50% of evaluation respondents citing female empowerment as a most significant change. Also noteworthy is the speed with which the Barazas have influenced attitudinal and behavioural change in the community. In a country which has suffered - and continues to suffer - the most atrocious violence, undoing the culture of violence is a huge challenge, yet there are clear findings that this is being achieved. In effect, what we see from this evaluation is a microcosm of peacebuilding processes - from violent conflict to prevention, and from early recovery to development, as communities contain violence and reduce conflict - through which they are able to mobilise themselves to lead their own development. As every community has different complexities, this genuine local leadership is required for the very nuanced responses needed, and this project shows how a common entry point can enable such leadership. The ability to rebuild the fabric of society (which this evaluation indicates is possible) is an extremely important achievement as a key foundation for sustainable peace: and by building resilience to violence, communities are better able to transcend periods of instability - a critical step along the fragile route to lasting peace. Details: New York: Peace Direct, 2014. 80p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 7, 2014 at: http://www.peacedirect.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/04/Baraza-Justice.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Conflict Resolution Shelf Number: 132627 |
Author: Slegh, H. Title: Gender Relations, Sexual and Gender-Based Violence and the Effects of Conflict on Women and Men in North Kivu, Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo: Results from the International Men and Gender Equality Survey (IMAGES) Summary: Promundo and Sonke Gender Justice have released the complete results from the International Men and Gender Equality Survey (IMAGES) in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), which reveal high levels of gender-based violence and the continuing effects of conflict on couple and family relations. The report will be launched this week at the Global Summit to End Sexual Violence in Conflict at ExCel London. The comprehensive report, Gender Relations, Sexual and Gender-Based Violence and the Effects of Conflict on Women and Men in North Kivu, Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, affirms that the devastating impact of war in DRC affects nearly all those living in eastern DRC, and is manifested in highly inequitable and violent partner relations. Approximately 70% of men and 80% of women were directly affected by war and conflict in DRC, and their reports of conflict-related trauma - including physical displacement, injury, death of friends and family members and experiences of sexual violence - are multiple and widespread. The study's results show that years of conflict, combined with persistent poverty, limited functioning of the state and widespread inequitable norms in DRC, create multiple vulnerabilities for women and girls, and no shortage of vulnerabilities for boys and men as well. One key finding is that rates of sexual violence against women in eastern DRC are some of the highest in the world, compared to other settings where the multi-country survey IMAGES has been carried out. Another key finding is that sexual violence as part of conflict, while brutal and traumatic for those who experience it, happens at lower rates than sexual violence carried out in the home, which the study's co-authors Gary Barker and Henny Slegh discuss in the article "Being Honest About Sexual Violence in War, and Everywhere Else." This survey, carried out with 1,500 men and women in eastern DRC, found that 22% of women were forced to have sex or were raped as part of the conflict, as were some 10% of men. In addition, approximately half of women had experienced sexual violence from a husband or male partner. Nearly a third of both women and men reported an unwanted sexual experience as children. In sum, the effects of economic stress, trauma, fear, frustration, hunger and lack of means to sustain the family are felt first and foremost in family and partner relations. Furthermore, in spite of the compounding effects of the conflict, many findings were consistent with IMAGES studies in other parts of the world: men's childhood experiences of violence, binge drinking and inequitable attitudes were associated with their use of intimate partner violence. At the same time, men whose own fathers were involved in the household were more likely to carry out household tasks. The report reveals the urgent need for more intense promotion of gender equality in DRC's education, health and justice sectors, at both the local and national levels; a rollout of psychosocial and secondary prevention that enables boys and girls to overcome violence they have experienced and witnessed; and long-term rebuilding from the conflict that takes into consideration mens and women's sense of loss of status and identity, and their need for psychosocial support. The report also highlights the needs for a more adequate policy framework in DRC and immediate action on those policies. Sonke Gender Justice recently carried out a review (a summary of which is included in this study) of the policies in DRC and the associated challenges. This study in DRC is part of the International Men and Gender Equality Survey (IMAGES), a multi-year, multi-country study created and coordinated by Promundo and the International Center for Research on Women (ICRW). IMAGES is one of the most comprehensive studies ever on men's practices and attitudes as they relate to gender norms, attitudes toward gender equality policies, household dynamics including caregiving and men's involvement as fathers, intimate partner violence, health and economic stress. As of 2013, it had been carried out in 10 countries (including this study in DRC) with additional partner studies in Asia inspired in part by IMAGES. Details: Washington, DC, and Capetown, South Africa:Promundo-US and Sonke Gender Justice, 2014. 80p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 7, 2014 at: http://www.genderjustice.org.za/101908-gender-relations-sexual-and-gender-based-violence-and-the-effects-of-conflict-on-women-and-men-in-north-kivu-eastern-democratic-republic-of-the-congo/file.html Year: 2014 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Family Violence Shelf Number: 132628 |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: Operation Likofi: Police Killings and Enforced Disappearances in Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo Summary: On November 15, 2013, the government of the Democratic Republic of Congo launched "Operation Likofi," a police operation in Congo's capital, Kinshasa, aimed at ending crime by members of organized criminal gangs known as "kuluna." Gen. Celestin Kanyama, currently the police commissioner for all of Kinshasa, was the primary commander of the operation. Over the course of three months, police officers who participated in the operation extrajudicially executed at least 51 young men and teenage boys and forcibly disappeared 33 others. In raids across the city, police in uniform, often with black masks covering their faces, and with no arrest warrants, dragged suspected kuluna at gunpoint out of their homes at night. In many cases, the police shot and killed the unarmed youth outside their homes, while others were apprehended and executed in the open markets where they slept or worked or in nearby fields or empty lots. Many others were taken to unknown locations and forcibly disappeared. Police warned family members and witnesses not to speak out about what happened, denied them access to their relatives' bodies and prevented them from holding funerals. Congolese journalists were threatened when they attempted to document or broadcast information about Operation Likofi killings. Operation Likofi: Police Killings and Enforced Disappearances in Kinshasa is based on interviews conducted in Kinshasa with over 100 witnesses to abuses, family members of victims, police officers who participated in Operation Likofi, government officials, and others. Human Rights Watch calls on the Congolese government to hold those responsible for these abuses to account. General Kanyama should be suspended immediately pending a judicial investigation. The government should also provide information to family members on the fate or whereabouts of the victims. Details: Hew York: HRW, 2014. 63p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 15, 2015 at: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/drc1114_forUpload_0.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Disappearances Shelf Number: 134403 |
Author: Kelly, Jocelyn Title: Assessment of Human Trafficking in Artisanal Mining Towns in Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo Summary: Human trafficking is a fundamental violation of human rights. In conflict and post-conflict situations, people may be more vulnerable to trafficking due to high levels of exploitation and violence, weak civilian protection mechanisms, displacement, and a breakdown in social cohesion. The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has been embroiled in violence since 1996, when violence from the Rwandan genocide sparked conflict across the border in the eastern provinces of Congo. Dozens of armed groups with shifting allegiances, motivations, and identities have preyed upon civilian communities, perpetrating a wide array of human rights abuses. Over the decades of violence, millions of civilians have died, making Congolese conflict the deadliest since World War II. In recent years, the artisanal mining sector in eastern Congo has gained a great deal of international attention for the role it has played in fueling the conflict by providing rebel groups with a source of income. Recognition of this dynamic has raised concerns that these mining communities are also home to some of the worst human rights abuses as different powerful actors vie for control of these profitable areas. Hundreds of thousands, and possibly millions1 of artisanal miners and their families rely on mining for their livelihood. Driven by extreme poverty with limited economic alternatives, these miners accept extreme working conditions. The environment is further complicated by poor governance, poor regulatory oversight, and widespread corruption; conditions that are conducive to labor and sexual trafficking. The United Nations and a number of advocacy groups have described different forms human trafficking in these areas. The 2014 State Department Trafficking in Persons Report calls particular attention to trafficking in persons in the artisanal mining sector. Despite this recognition, systematic quantitative evidence about the type and scale of human trafficking in Congolese mines is lacking. This project attempts to provide an empirically-based understanding of the nature and scale of labor and sex trafficking of men, women and children in artisanal mining sites in South Kivu and North Katanga. It then aims to use this information to identify recommendations for the United States Agency for International Development's (USAID) programmatic interventions. Fundamental to the understanding of the scope of human trafficking in this context is clearly defining who a trafficked person is. Broad categories of human trafficking include: forced labor; debt bondage; sex trafficking; forced child labor and child sex trafficking. The Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000 (TVPA) defines the most severe forms of human trafficking as: - Sex trafficking in which a commercial sex act is induced by force, fraud, or coercion, or in which the person induced to perform such an act has not attained 18 years of age; or - The recruitment, harboring, transportation, provision, or obtaining of a person for labor or services, through the use of force, fraud, or coercion for the purpose of subjection to involuntary servitude, peonage, debt bondage, or slavery. Systematic empirical evidence about the type and scale of human trafficking in DRC mines is lacking. Many of the assertions cited by domestic and international groups are based on anecdotal evidence that seek out specific instances of trafficking in persons (TIP). Despite the important body of work aimed at documenting the issues of trafficking in the artisanal mining sector, the established narrative is undermined by the absence of data on the prevalence, patterns, and causes of trafficking. It is therefore difficult to identify which types of interventions are most needed, and what the most pivotal points of entry are for programming to combat TIP. This assessment therefore seeks to fulfill the need for an empirical inquiry using quantitative research methods. The objectives of this work are to: 1) provide an empirically-based understanding of the nature and scale of labor and sex trafficking of men, women and children in eastern DRC mining communities; 2) identify recommendations for USAID programmatic interventions; and 3) recommend evaluation activities and research questions related to the recommended programmatic interventions. This initial version of the assessment addresses the first point and aims to serve as a basis for further discussion about recommendations. Details: Washington, DC: United States Agency for International Development, 2014. 131p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 7, 2015 at: http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PA00K5R1.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Child Labor Shelf Number: 134565 |
Author: United Nations Environment Programme Title: Experts' background report on illegal exploitation and trade in natural resources benefitting organized criminal groups and recommendations on MONUSCO's role in fostering stability and peace in eastern DR Congo Summary: This report examines the role of transnational environmental crime as one of the several key factors fuelling the protracted conflict cycle in eastern Democratic Congo. It makes recommendations on how MONUSCO, in its forthcoming down-sizing phase, might wick to endeavor supporting the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo in addressing apparent segments of the Congolese political economy that are linked to transnational environmental crime. Details: Nairobi, Kenya: UNEP, 2015. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 23, 2015 at: http://postconflict.unep.ch/publications/UNEP_DRCongo_MONUSCO_OSESG_final_report.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Illegal Trade Shelf Number: 135775 |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: Justice on Trial: Lessons from the Minova Rape case in the Democratic Republic of Congo Summary: In November 2012, thousands of defeated army troops rampaged through the small eastern town of Minova and neighboring villages in the Democratic Republic of Congo, pillaging and raping as they went. It was one of the worst incidents of sexual violence in Congo in recent years. A year later, under intense international pressure, Congolese judicial authorities brought to trial 25 soldiers and 14 officers for war crimes before a domestic military court. The Minova rape trial raised high hopes and drew intense international scrutiny. It was seen as a key test for providing accountability for the pervasive sexual violence and other abuses that have plagued eastern Congo. Yet, despite massive international support, the proceedings failed to deliver justice: none of the high level commanders with overall responsibility for the troops in Minova were indicted and some of those who went to prison were convicted on questionable evidence without right to appeal. Justice on Trial is based on extensive interviews with military justice officials, lawyers, victims who testified, United Nations staff, and local activists, and analysis of public court documents. It examines the inner workings of the Congolese military justice system and highlights - through the shortcomings in this case - the barriers that often thwart effective justice for atrocities in Congolese courts, including insufficient expertise in handling grave international crimes, violations of fair trial rights, and an apparent unwillingness to pursue high-level commanders. The scale of serious crimes committed in Congo, and the limitations of the International Criminal Court, increase the burden on the Congolese justice system to develop the capacity and will to prosecute crimes competently, independently, and impartially. Details: New York: HRW, 2015. 110p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 8, 2015 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/drc1015_4up_0.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Criminal Trials Shelf Number: 136972 |
Author: Amnesty International Title: "This Is What We Die For": Human Rights Abuses in the Democratic Republic of the Congo Power the Global Trade in Cobalt Summary: People around the world increasingly rely on rechargeable batteries to power their mobile phones, tablets, laptop computers, cameras and other portable electronic devices. Cobalt is a key component in lithium-ion rechargeable batteries. This report documents the hazardous conditions in which artisanal miners mine cobalt in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), where more than half of the world's total supply of cobalt comes from. Using basic hand tools, artisanal miners dig out rocks from tunnels deep underground, and accidents are common. Many children are involved in artisanal mining. Despite the serious and potentially fatal health effects of prolonged exposure to cobalt, adult and child miners work with cobalt for long periods without even the most basic protective equipment. This report is the first comprehensive account of how cobalt from the DRC's artisanal mines enters the supply chain of many of the world's leading brands. It highlights the failure of these companies to put in place due diligence measures to identify where the cobalt in their products comes from and the conditions in which it is extracted and traded. The government of the DRC must extend and enforce labour and safety protections for all artisanal miners and create more authorized artisanal mining areas. The government, along with companies involved, should ensure that children are removed from hazardous working conditions and address the children's educational and other needs. All governments should enact and enforce laws requiring corporate due diligence and public disclosure in relation to cobalt and other minerals. Details: London: AI, 2016. 92p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 4, 2016 at: https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/afr62/3183/2016/en/ Year: 2016 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Child Labor Shelf Number: 138032 |
Author: Douma, Nynke Title: Getting the balance right? Sexual violence response in the DRC: A comparison between 2011 and 2014 Summary: Conflict-related sexual violence has scarred the lives of a very large number of victims in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). This study compared the effects and effectiveness of sexual violence response programmes in 2011 and 2014. The central argument of this report is that while there have been some gains, such as victim-oriented support widening to community-based response, greater attention being paid to other forms of gender-based violence, and other medical needs becoming more recognised, conflict-affected rape still remains the focus of international rhetoric. This makes it difficult to scrutinise programmes for effectiveness. Plus a major concern is that accusations of sexual violence are often used for revenge or extortion, and as a result citizens are more disengaged with the issue. To effect change, six recommendations are proposed. Details: London: Secure Livelihoods Research Consortium (SLRC), 2016. 55p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 28, 2016 at: http://www.securelivelihoods.org/publications_details.aspx?resourceid=392 Year: 2016 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Conflict Related Violence Shelf Number: 138831 |
Author: Mwapu, Isumbisho Title: Women engaging in transactional sex and working in prostitution: Practices and underlying factors of the sex trade in South Kivu, the Democratic Republic of Congo Summary: Transactional sex and prostitution form a significant part of everyday urban life in South Kivu, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The report is based on a survey among 480 sex workers engaged in prostitution and focus groups in milieux where there is a lot of transactional sex, where material exchange is embedded in broader social relations. These are in higher education, urban poor areas, offices, trade and religious milieux. Stepping away from discourses on morality and victimhood, the report takes an angle of livelihoods and women's agency. Transactional sex in humanitarian crises is mostly associated with what is often called 'survival sex': sexual exchange in order to meet basic needs, often the needs of the entire family. However, the distinction between 'needs' (survival sex) and 'wants' (consumer sex) appears too simplistic, and the report proposes to replace the value-laden and imprecise term of 'consumer sex' by 'strategic sex'. Engaging in transactional sex leaves women vulnerable to health, physical and emotional risks including rape, though the latter is rarely recognised by victims. To better protect and educate women, six recommendations are proposed. Details: London: Secure Livelihoods Research Consortium (SLRC), 2016. 58p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 28, 2016 at: http://www.securelivelihoods.org/publications_details.aspx?resourceid=394 Year: 2016 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Prostitutes Shelf Number: 138832 |
Author: Dranginis, Holly Title: Grand Theft Global: Prosecuting the War Crime of Pillage in the Democratic Republic of the Congo Summary: From the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) to the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) to Al-Shabaab, many of the world's most infamous and destabilizing armed actors today finance their activities in part through the illegal exploitation and trade of natural resources. Theft in the context of armed conflict constitutes the war crime of pillage, which is punishable in most domestic jurisdictions and at the International Criminal Court (ICC). Prosecuting armed actors and their facilitators for natural resource pillage can help reduce incomes for perpetrators of atrocities, combat resource exploitation, and end the impunity that enables illegal financial networks to thrive in conflict zones. Furthermore, investigating pillage can strengthen cases addressing violent atrocity crimes like rape and murder by uncovering critical information about command responsibility and criminal intent. Prosecutions are a direct, effective way to help disrupt conflict financing and improve accountability for economic crimes - like trafficking and money laundering - and the atrocities they fuel. Details: Washington, DC: Enough Project, 2015. 27p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 6, 2016 at: http://www.enoughproject.org/files/GrandTheftGlobal-PillageReport-Dranginis-Enough-Jan2015.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Illegal Trade Shelf Number: 139285 |
Author: Bafilemba, Fidel Title: Congo's Conflict Gold Rush: Bringing Gold into the Legal Trade in the Democratic Republic of the Congo Summary: A trade in illegally mined and smuggled "conflict gold" is fueling both high-level military corruption and violent rebel groups in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), according to a new report by the Enough Project. "Congo's Conflict Gold Rush: Bringing gold into the legal trade in the Democratic Republic of Congo," by the Enough Project's Fidel Bafilemba and Sasha Lezhnev, offers an in-depth portrait of the conflict gold supply chain, from muddy artisanal mines where gold is dug out with shovels and pick-axes, through illicit transport routes in Uganda, Burundi, and Dubai. Based on seven months of field research at mines and in regional capitals, the report provides an in-depth discussion of solutions to the conflict gold supply chain. Details: Washington, DC: Enough Project, 2015. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 7, 2016 at: http://www.enoughproject.org/files/April%2029%202015%20Congo%20Conflict%20Gold%20Rush%20reduced.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Gold Shelf Number: 139291 |
Author: Fleischner, Justine Title: Deadly Enterprise: Dismantling South Sudan's War Economy and Countering Potential Spoilers Summary: "Deadly Enterprise" is the third in a series of in-depth, field research-driven reports on the dynamics of profit and power fueling war in the Horn, East and Central Africa. Violent kleptocracies dominate the political landscape of this region, leading to protracted conflicts marked by the commission of mass atrocities by state and non-state actors. Enough's Political Economy of African Wars series will focus on the key players in these conflicts, their motivations, how they benefit from the evolving war economies, and what policies might be most effective in changing the calculations of those orchestrating the violence - including both incentives and pressures for peace. Details: Washington, DC: Enough Project, 2015. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: The Political Economy of African Wars: No. 3: Accessed June 7, 2016 at: http://www.enoughproject.org/files/DeadlyEnterprise_121515.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Exploitation of Natural Resources Shelf Number: 139292 |
Author: Cakaj, Ledio Title: Tusk Wars: Inside the LRA and the Bloody Business of Ivory Summary: New field research from the Enough Project shows that the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) is weakened to an unprecedented point, counting only 120 armed fighters in its ranks, scattered across three countries in central Africa. Despite its weakened state, the LRA continues to pose a threat to local populations in Central African Republic (CAR), the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and in South Sudan, with 150 recorded attacks and 500 abductions of civilians for the first eight months of 2015 and 200,000 people displaced. Based on new interviews with recent LRA defectors, LRA founder and leader Joseph Kony was based in the Sudan-controlled enclave of Kafia Kingi as of May 2015, an area he has rarely moved from since 2011. His initial base in 2011 was reportedly 10 miles from the Sudan Armed Forces garrison in Dafak, South Darfur, and his last known location in May 2015 was at the foot of Mount Toussoro at the Kafia Kingi-CAR border. According to recent LRA defectors, Kony is unlikely to move deeper into South Darfur, as that area is more populated and insecure, and he would be much more likely to be spotted. There is a slight possibility that Sudanese army troops are unaware of the exact whereabouts of Kony himself, but LRA defectors have consistently claimed that the local Sudanese military personnel has knowledge of the presence of LRA groups in Kafia Kingi, a stark contrast to the Government of Sudan's persistent denials of LRA presence in its territory. Kony has gradually lost some control over his troops, who are increasingly likely to leave the ranks or disobey his orders. Nine of Kony's personal bodyguards made an attempt on his life in mid-2015 - the first time that has ever occurred. African Union forces and U.S. advisors have also made communications within the LRA very difficult, with Kony out of touch with some of his commanders for months or even years at a time. U.S.-led defection campaigns are having some success, as recently escaped LRA fighters express they trust U.S. advisors more than they do the A.U. forces, and seven recent defectors walked for a month attempting to access a U.S. base in CAR. On October 23, 2015, President Obama reauthorized the U.S. support mission for an additional year. Despite the successes of the A.U.-U.S. counter-LRA mission, Kony has continued to traffic ivory, secured by fighters in DRC's Garamba National Park. New field research by the Enough Project provides new details about the traffic of ivory from DRC into Kafia Kingi, and the transaction between the LRA and Sudanese merchants. In Enough Project staff interviews conducted earlier in 2015, ex-LRA combatants described trading ivory directly with Sudan Armed Forces officers. Under direct orders from Kony, LRA commanders, in particular his two oldest sons, Salim and Ali, barter the ivory with merchants from the South Darfur town of Songo, in exchange for food, uniforms, and ammunition. One LRA group is based in DRC's Garamba National Park (GNP), where it poaches elephants and secures the ivory. Another group, led by a young man called Owila, then transports the ivory from northeastern DRC to Kafia Kingi through CAR. The tusks are likely trafficked to Nyala, South Darfur, and on to Khartoum for export abroad, primarily to Asia. Details: Washington, DC: Enough Project, 2015. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 7, 2016 at: http://www.enoughproject.org/files/Tusk_Wars_10262015.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Animal Poaching Shelf Number: 139293 |
Author: Enough Project Title: Poachers Without Borders Summary: Poachers are killing the elephants of Garamba National Park in the Democratic Republic of the Congo at an unprecedentedly rapid pace. Since mid-April of 2014, park rangers have found the carcasses of 131 elephants, slaughtered for their tusks. Unlike in the past, when criminal gangs carried out most of the poaching, the main actors appear to be heavily armed groups using professional techniques. Some of the poachers have been involved in Central Africa's many conflicts and have carried out multiple atrocities against civilians, creating much misery and suffering over the past decade. Details: Longmont, CT: Digital Globe, 2015. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 7, 2016 at: http://www.enoughproject.org/files/PoachersWithoutBorders_28Jan2015.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Animal Poaching Shelf Number: 139296 |
Author: de Koning, Ruben Title: Striking Gold: How M23 and its Allies are Infiltrating Congo's Gold Trade Summary: The M23 rebel group has taken over a profitable part of the conflict gold trade in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, or DRC. It is using revenues from the illicit trade to benefit its leaders and supporters and fund its military campaign by building military alliances and networks with other armed groups that control territory around gold mines and by smuggling gold through Uganda and Burundi. M23 commander Sultani Makenga, who is also allegedly one of the rebels' main recruiters of child soldiers according to the U.N. Group of Experts on Congo, is at the center of the conflict gold efforts. This report documents how Makenga and his former co-commander Bosco Ntaganda have led the M23 rebels to work with local armed groups in gold-rich territories to smuggle gold to Uganda via an M23-controlled border crossing, as well as to Burundi, where it is sold internationally. Much of this conflict gold then reaches markets in the United Arab Emirates, or UAE, before going on to banks and jewelers, which together make up 80 percent of global gold demand. Gold is now the most important conflict mineral in eastern Congo, with at least 12 tons worth roughly $500 million smuggled out of the east every year. The other main sources of revenue for armed groups - the "3T minerals" of tin, tungsten, and tantalum - have been steadily reduced due to global conflict-minerals reforms spurred by the U.S. Dodd-Frank financial regulation law, but it is still relatively easy to smuggle gold. Limiting gold smuggling from eastern Congo must therefore become a priority for the international community. M23 commander Makenga is taking over a gold-smuggling network that former cocommander Bosco Ntaganda built over several years. As military leader of the rebel National Congress for the Defense of the People, or CNDP, a forerunner of M23, Ntaganda in 2011 reportedly brokered several multimillion-dollar gold deals in Goma, DRC; Kampala, Uganda; and Nairobi, Kenya, between Congolese traders and overseas buyers. In 2012, Ntaganda led the newly created M23 as it broke away from the Congolese army, in which its troops had been integrated as part of a peace deal. During his time with M23 and in the shadow of the peace talks in Kampala between Congo's government and the M23, Ntaganda facilitated the transfer of an estimated 325 kilos of gold worth $15 million to Kampala for sale, according to the U.N. experts. Ntaganda admitted to the U.N. experts that he played a role in one deal in 2011 in Goma, but he never commented on his role in other deals he allegedly brokered. In March 2013, Ntaganda surrendered to the U.S. Embassy in Rwanda, where he requested to transfer to the International Criminal Court, or ICC, to face charges of war crimes. Since then, Enough Project's investigations with gold-trade insiders, Congolese civil and military authorities, and members of the Congolese diaspora communities in Kampala and Bujumbura show that Makenga is taking over Ntaganda's relationships with smugglers in Uganda. Makenga has also mobilized several other military and business players loyal to former CNDP leader Laurent Nkunda to create a business network entirely separate from Ntaganda, according to Enough Project investigations. To capture a greater share of the gold trade, M23 has built alliances with individuals and armed groups that control large mines in eastern Congo. These include Sheka Ntabo Ntaberi of the Nduma Defence of Congo, or NDC, armed group in Walikale territory of eastern Congo - the alleged mastermind of the mass rape of more than 300 women, children, and men at Luvungi in 2010. M23 has built ties with Justin Banaloki - whose alias is "Cobra Matata" - the armed leader who is based in Ituri District and was highlighted in the October 2013 National Geographic. M23 is also associated with Congolese army defector and militia leader Maj. Hilaire Kombi in Beni and Lubero territories, according to U.N. experts and Enough Project research. Traversing otherwise hostile ethnic and political divisions, these alliances are based partially on economic gain. Many of those who reap the greatest profits are also those most directly implicated in atrocities and crimes against humanity. On the basis of recent Enough Project investigations and past research by the U.N. Group of Experts, this report identifies three main gold exporters that the Enough Project believes are enabling M23 and associated armed groups to profit from the gold trade by either running or using official gold export companies in Uganda and Burund - all of which is in violation of the U.N. arms embargo: - Rajendra "Raju" Kumar, who currently trades through Mineral Impex Uganda and formerly ran Machanga, Ltd. - Mutoka Ruganyira, who currently operates through Ntahangwa Mining in Burundi and formerly ran Berkenrode - Madadali Sultanali Pirani, who currently runs Silver Minerals in Uganda Additionally, a major Congolese exporter has reportedly been trading gold from mines controlled by the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda, or FDLR, and other armed groups for several years, according to several U.N. Groups of Experts: - Evariste Shamamba, who currently runs Etablissement Namukaya and New CongoCom Airlines16 The international community has done very little to combat the sale of conflict gold effectively. None of the above-mentioned individuals, or the companies they currently run, face U.N., U.S., or E.U. sanctions. The only international sanctions against conflict gold companies were enacted in 2007, but the owners of the sanctioned companies immediately set up new gold-exporting businesses under different corporate names. Sanctions against the four exporters would make an important dent in the conflict gold trade, since they control a significant portion of the illicit trade. Gold exporters generally claim to purchase their gold either domestically or in countries that are not under a U.N. arms embargo. The fact that a significant part of conflict gold trade enters the formal worldwide gold trade shows an urgent need to levy targeted international sanctions on the individual exporters - the beneficial owners of these businesses - who are complicit. In order to conduct and facilitate due diligence following guidelines established by the United Nations and the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, or OECD, the international community should intensify pressure on companies, company owners, and their host governments that are importing and refining gold from the region. While such sanctions are important to bring the illicit gold trade under control and further reduce sources of revenue for armed groups, the agony of eastern Congo will ultimately end when the key parties - Congo, Rwanda, and Uganda - reach a just, comprehensive peace agreement. The best hope for that is the process led by U.N. Special Envoy Mary Robinson, following the Peace, Security, and Cooperation Framework signed earlier this year. Details: Enough Project, 2013. 21p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 19, 2016 at: http://www.enoughproject.org/files/StrikingGold-M23-and-Allies-Infiltrating-Congo-Gold-Trade.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Conflict Minerals Shelf Number: 140353 |
Author: Southern Africa Resource Watch Title: Congo's Golden Web: The People, Companies and Countries that Profit from the Illegal Trade in Congolese Gold Summary: In 2011, the Southern Africa Resource Watch (SARW) launched a regional monitoring and research project to assess the physical, social and economic security risks - as well as the socio-economic, humanitarian and commercial conditions - faced by gold mining communities in the provinces of North and South Kivu, Maniema and Orientale in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Two previous reports - From Conflict Gold to Criminal Gold (2012) and The High Cost of Congo's Gold (2013) - included detailed research and analysis on the changing nature of the gold industry in eastern Congo and its negative impact on miners, their families and communities. This report completes the ground breaking series by describing all aspects of the commercialization of Congolese gold - including gold that is produced by industrial, semi-industrial and artisanal mining operations, and gold that is traded and refined by small merchants, well-capitalised trading groups and powerful refineries. SARW initiated this research project at a time when Congo's mining environment was improving, propelled by a number of exceptional conditions, including a gold super cycle, which saw prices on world markets rise to over US$1950 per ounce in 2011 and 2012; the establishment of peace in most major gold mining regions in eastern Congo; and the restructuring of government agencies mandated to support gold mining and trading. However, in April 2013, while this report was being drafted, the gold price declined precipitously, eroding profit margins for all gold mining activities and disrupting the global gold production industry. The challenge faced by the DRC government to maximize benefits from the nation's gold resources has now become harder. Nevertheless, progress is visible with the inauguration of industrial gold production at Banro's Twangiza mine and at the Kibali project managed by Randgold Resources. Despite these positive developments, international investors in gold projects in Congo remain cautious due to its problematic political risk profile. This SARW report highlights issues that are most detrimental to the Congo's reputation and to the ability of the Congolese to benefit from their significant gold endowments, including: Widespread corruption at all levels of the Congolese government, which is a major enabler of activities that are either outrightly criminal or in violation of existing regulations governing industrial, small scale and artisanal gold extraction and trade; The illegal trade and exportation of gold, which accounts for most of the gold extracted by Congo's hundreds of semi industrial and hundred of thousands of artisanal miners - with traders not paying the appropriate fees and taxes, exporting gold without the required certification and payment of export duties, or only paying duties on a small portion of their total turn over by significantly underreporting the true scale of their gold trading; Routine contravention of their licences by semi industrial and industrial permit holders, which delay significant investments that they are contractually obliged to make so as to boost their stock market performance by inflating their gold reserve portfolio, which can be divested whenever the need arises; Aiding and abetting the smuggling and illegal trading of Congo's gold by neighbouring countries, specifically Burundi and Uganda, which continue to pretend that their actions have no impact on DRC's illegal gold trade, while their economies benefit; and The inadequacy of existing international and multilateral instruments, including UN sanctions, ICGLR protocols, OECD guidelines and other multi stakeholder initiatives, which have failed to encourage the necessary international collabouration to stop the criminal networks that are trading Congo's gold. Even where compelling evidence exists that trading and refining companies are implicated in the illegal trade of Congo's gold, no meaningful interventions or investigations occur - a grievous betrayal of various states' commitments under current UN sanctions and other international treaties. Details: Rosebank, South Africa: Southern Africa Resource Watch, 2014. 88p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 19, 2016 at: http://www.sarwatch.org/sites/sarwatch.org/files/Publications_docs/congogold3web.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Gold Mining Shelf Number: 140359 |
Author: Southern Africa Resource Watch Title: Conflict Gold to Criminal Gold: The New Face of Artisanal Gold mining in Congo Summary: Gold miners in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) no longer fear homicidal warlords and militias but they are still being ruthlessly exploited - by a plague of corrupt government officials, bureaucrats and security personnel, who all demand illegal taxes, fees and levies from the miners without delivering any meaningful services in return, according to a major research report released today. Produced by the Southern Africa Resource Watch (SARW), the report - Conflict Gold to Criminal Gold: The new face of artisanal gold mining in Congo - highlights the poor governance of the mining sector, which could be the driving force behind genuine socio-economic development in the region, and the daily battle for survival by thousands of artisanal and small scale gold miners, who produce nearly all of eastern DRC's gold. Details: Rosebank, South Africa: Southern Africa Resource Watch, 2012. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 19, 2016 at: http://www.osisa.org/sites/default/files/from_conflict_gold_to_criminal_gold.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Conflict Minerals Shelf Number: 140360 |
Author: Southern Africa Resource Watch Title: The High Cost of Congolese Gold: Poverty, Abuse and the Collapse of Family and Community Structures Summary: In its first ground breaking research report into artisanal gold mining in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), the Southern Africa Resource Watch (SARW) demonstrated how the industry had been transformed in recent years - moving from Conflict Gold to Criminal Gold. Based on unprecedented research in communities in the four main gold producing provinces (North-Kivu, South-Kivu, Maniema and Oriental), the report concluded that artisanal miners were now being preyed upon by a host of state bureaucrats, officials and security officers rather than warlords and militias - and that they were, in many cases, even worse off than before. In this second report, The High Cost of Congolese Gold: Poverty, Abuse and the Collapse of Family and Community Structures, SARW focuses on the lives of the miners and their families - highlighting how hundreds of thousands of people live in grinding poverty in the midst of the richest mineral resources in the DRC, as corrupt political, military, commercial and traditional elites syphon off most of the funds that should be fuelling socio-economic growth and development. With an estimated 30 million ounces of gold reserves in eastern DRC, mining communities should be thriving but instead they are being torn apart by poverty, abuse, alcoholism and violence, which are destroying community and family structures and leaving many people in a perpetual state of near-starvation. In this environment, the most vulnerable - particularly women and girls - suffer daily violence, exploitation, neglect and abuse. From the hundreds of interviews with women, girls and boys that SARW researchers conducted during ten months in the field, some key facts emerged: Most women, including married mothers, have to struggle on their own for survival. Many are forced to fend for themselves from far too early in life and often end up married and pregnant long before reaching full maturity. Large numbers are victims of sexual, physical and mental abuse. Many are abandoned by their husbands or forced to accept bigamous relationships. Few girls complete their education; When boys reach the age of 10-12, they are usually expected to fend for themselves, especially as their parents are often too poor to continue caring for them. This forces them to start working on gold mining sites rather than staying in school. Many boys assist in the washing of gold ore, while stronger boys can find work as carriers or even as diggers. However, the majority just scrounge for gold dust in tailings, or in abandoned or inactive mining sites; and The traditional and tribal governance and mediation mechanisms have broken down. Traditional leaders, known as Bwami are now often merely another elite that preys on the artisanal community. Women and girls very rarely seek help or redress from them since they expect that they will not receive assistance but merely become the victims of more corrupt demands - the same reason why they seldom seek redress through the formal judicial system. If women do seek non-family interventions, it is usually from the councils of wise men that still appear to function in most communities. The SARW researchers also discovered devastating levels of tension and friction between gold mining husbands and their wives. The key disagreement concerns the question of whether gold mining is a valid livelihood. Most men are not interested in considering this question, preferring to enjoy the financial windfalls they receive on the rare occasions that they manage to find some gold. However, the overwhelming majority of women offer well-founded social, economic, health and security reasons why their husbands should abandon gold mining altogether. And the situation is only likely to get worse. Many artisanal miners are hoping to obtain employment with one of the international mining communities that are now gearing up to start industrial gold production in eastern DRC. However, industrial mining requires less manpower. In addition, most artisanal miners lack marketable skills and exhibit very poor work habits. For these reasons, a very large percentage of the artisanal gold miners, who currently operate on territories that are licensed to international mining companies, are unlikely to gain permanent employment once industrial mining begins. In fact, artisanal miners and their families will increasingly be viewed as illegal squatters. Companies that are planning (and are legally obliged) to pump hundreds of millions of dollars into their mining operations will insist on unencumbered access to the gold deposits on their concessions. Consequently, artisanal miners will be pushed towards areas with deposits of lesser and lesser value - until they are eventually made to leave the concession areas altogether. Currently, the inevitability of this outcome is as certain as the lack of any preparations to mitigate it. Details: Rosebank, South Africa: SARW, 2013. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 19, 2016 at: http://www.osisa.org/sites/default/files/high_cost_of_congolese_gold.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Conflict Minerals Shelf Number: 140361 |
Author: SaveActMine Title: Coloured gemstones in eastern DRC: Tourmaline exploitation and trade in the Kivus Summary: Responsible sourcing efforts in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to date have focused predominantly on the so-called 3TG (tin, tungsten, tantalum and gold) sector. Nevertheless, the artisanal exploitation of other minerals including semi-precious gemstones, such as tourmaline, can also make notable contributions to local livelihoods. At the 9th OECD Forum in May 2015, rising tourmaline exploitation and trade in eastern DRC saw Congolese stakeholders, including SaveActMine (SAM), highlight the relevance of the DRC's coloured gemstone sector to responsible sourcing within the context of the OECD Due Diligence Guidance for Responsible Supply Chains of Minerals from Conflict-Affected and High-Risk Areas. Following up on these observations, IPIS and SAM undertook a joint research mission in September 2015 to look into tourmaline exploitation and trade in the Kivus. This research confirmed that eastern DRC's tourmaline sector appears to be experiencing notable growth. Since 2012, a rise in gemstone prices has reportedly seen the sector attracting thousands of artisanal miners during boom periods in the Kivus alone. Tourmaline sites visited in the context of the present research in the south of Masisi territory (North Kivu) and around Numbi (Kalehe territory, South Kivu) experienced sizeable spikes in artisanal worker numbers in 2014 and 2015, with four out of five miners in the Numbi area reportedly engaged in tourmaline extraction. This has seen Numbi develop into a notable market for gemstone (specifically tourmaline) trading. Local authorities say that most locally registered traders deal in tourmaline. Here, stakeholders reported the potential for making considerable profits from high quality stones. Until recently, regulatory neglect and a lack of official trading counters for the purchase and export of gemstones from the DRC, had seen the Congolese coloured gemstone trade develop almost exclusively in the informal sector. As such, exploitation to date has overwhelmingly taken place illegally, with stones leaving the country illicitly for sale in neighbouring countries, such as Rwanda and Tanzania. Rising interest in the sector has now seen the licensing of exporters in coloured gemstones in both North and South Kivu. Growing interest in tourmaline indicates that the coloured gemstone sector may have the potential to contribute to job creation and economic development in eastern DRC. However, a burgeoning trade in lightweight, high value gemstones among artisanal miners and informal traders can also pose potential risks concerning conflict financing and human rights abuse. Research for this report came across accounts of predation by security actors occasioning forced labour, night exploitation and illegal taxation during at least one artisanal tourmaline mining spike, as well as claims of involvement of undisciplined public security forces in tourmaline exploitation and trade. Moreover, whilst much tourmaline mining in the Kivus is currently taking place in areas benefiting from improved general security, banditry remains problematic and non-state armed groups continue to operate in adjacent localities. The above factors suggest that tourmaline may no longer be a marginal issue when it comes to responsible mineral sourcing from eastern DRC. Indeed, research for this report also encountered claims that some mineral traders can declare minerals like cassiterite as low value tourmaline to evade tagging requirements and reduce tax payments. This raises questions about tourmaline's significance to ensuring the robust implementation of responsible sourcing for other minerals. IPIS/SAM research also highlighted a number of conditions potentially favourable to responsible souring from certain areas visited in the context of this study. These included improved local security conditions, the existence of validated and iTSCi monitored sites in the vicinity, and increased awareness of OECD due diligence requirements among stakeholders, including efforts to engage on issues of OECD compliance, amongst others. Details: Antwerp: IPIS, 2016. 62p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 24, 2016 at: http://ipisresearch.be/wp-content/uploads/2016/05/20160506_toumaline_eng.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Exploitation of Minerals Shelf Number: 146110 |
Author: International Peace Information Service (IPIS) Title: Third Party Review of the Bisie Security Report Summary: The so-called 'Bisie Mineral Stock' encompasses about 1,000 tons of cassiterite, extracted by artisanal miners at Bisie mines between November 2010 and June 2015. A number of bans on mining and mineral trade in this region, as well as some hesitance further down the supply chain to buy untagged minerals, meant that mineral production was not marketed, but stored in warehouses. From 2014 onwards, national and international stakeholders developed a stock clearance strategy for the sale of these minerals. As a reference for potential purchasers to contribute towards their decision-making process on reasonable due diligence and risk mitigation measures, Pact developed a Bisie Security Report that documents the security situation. Considering the complexity of the situation, the Conflict Free Sourcing Initiative (CFSI) contracted IPIS to review the report. IPIS agrees with the Bisie Security Report on the limited rebel involvement in Bisie mining since the start of the stock accumulation in 2012. However, Global Witness and IPIS reports from 2012 and 2013 present clear and detailed accounts of indirect illegal taxation by FARDC at the mines, which complement the Security Report's observations. Furthermore, IPIS' report discusses i.a. allegations of overestimation of the stock's registered volumes, a lack of transparency regarding financing, potential risks of creating a precedent for future stock evacuations, and local tensions in and around Bisie between Bisie's titleholder Alphamin Bisie Mining SA and artisanal miners' cooperatives. Details: Antwerpen: IPIS, 2016. 38p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 15, 2016 at: http://ipisresearch.be/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/20160718_Bisie.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Conflict Minerals Shelf Number: 140754 |
Author: Ewing, Jonathan Title: A Lot of Gold, A Lot of Trouble: A study of humanitarian impacts of the gold industry in DR Congo Summary: The Democratic Republic of the Congo (Congo-Kinshasa or DR Congo) is a country still recovering from a ruinous eight-year civil war that killed more than 5.4 million people. The value of untapped deposits of raw minerals is equivalent to the combined gross domestic product of Europe and the United States. Cobalt, diamonds, copper and, of course, gold is on the list along with highly sought after casserite, wolframite and coltan, which are used in consumer electronic products. Much of the extraction, or mining, is done in small operations known as artisanal, or small-scale mining, where the regulations that govern the activities are rarely enforced. Recently, more money is being invested into the extraction and refining of some of the ores found in the DR Congo, primarily copper, cobalt, and very recently, gold in Orientale Province. Mineral Invest International MII AB is a Swedish junior gold mining company surrounded by some of the largest international players in the extractive sector. Despite its diminutive size and its limited financial resources, the local community is waiting for Mineral Invest to increase its operation. The artisanal miners hope for jobs and the local community is waiting for development in the form of schools, hospitals and improved roads. According to Mineral Invest's website, the company has laudable plans for development projects in the area where it operates. Swedwatchs' and Diakonia's study shows that investment in post-conflict countries like DR Congo should require proper due diligence and a social licence to operate. So far, this has not been carried out. The DR Congo's Cadastre Minier has issued the licenses to SOKIMO, which is a partner in the joint venture with Mineral Invest. This joint venture features significant payments to the Democratic Republic of the Congo without specifying the recipient authority or entity within the state, which is a problem of transparency. The contractual agreement between Mineral Invest and the Congolese state-run mining company, SOKIMO, implies conflicts of interest and a lack of clarity. SOKIMO being both provider of mining licenses and at the same time having a financial interest implies a concentration of power that can create conflicts of interest and invite corruption. The allocation of payments to the state raises concerns as well as the agreements regarding development projects or, for example, accountability for environmental destruction. Finansinspektionen, the Swedish financial regulator, and Aktietorget, the Swedish market where Mineral Invest is publicly traded, have insufficient regulation and guidance for companies operating in difficult or post-conflict countries. Mineral Invest has not worked out an agreement, often called a social license to operate, with members of the local community where it operates. The company has contracted a unit of the Congolese military to provide security. This unit has been implicated in the ethnic slaughter of pygmies and cannibalism. The soldiers have also been accused of extorting gold from miners. Details: Stockholm: Diakonia; SwedWatch, 2012. 55p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 17, 2016 at: http://www.diakonia.se/globalassets/documents/diakonia/publications/reports/2012-a-lot-of-gold-a-lot-of-trouble.pdf?_t_id=1B2M2Y8AsgTpgAmY7PhCfg%3d%3d&_t_q=a+lot+of+gold&_t_tags=language%3aen%2csiteid%3adfed4c1a-bbd8-450f-954a-02cff1abcc09&_t_ip=165.230.70.227&_t_hit.id=Diakonia_Web_Models_Media_GenericMedia/_4baca66d-47cc-4b18-83eb-3ca74a73271b&_t_hit.pos=1 Year: 2012 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Conflict Minerals Shelf Number: 145097 |
Author: Lezhnev, Sasha Title: A Criminal State: Understanding and countering institutionalized corruption and violence in the Democratic Republic of Congo Summary: he Democratic Republic of Congo is not a failed state—for everyone. It is a failure for the vast majority of Congolese who suffer from abysmal security, health care, and education services. However, it is an efficient state for ruling elites and their commercial partners who seek to extract or traffic resources at the expense of Congo's development. Over the past 130 years, Congo has had many elements of violent kleptocracy, a system of state capture in which ruling networks and commercial partners hijack governing institutions and maintain impunity for the purpose of resource extraction and for the security of the regime. Ruling networks utilize varying levels of violence to maintain power and repress dissenting voices. This system plays out today with the current regime’s attempt to subvert a democratic transition. President Joseph Kabila and his associates profit from grand corruption and are trying by all means necessary to hold on to power. From King Leopold II over a century ago to Kabila today, Congo’s leaders have redirected billions of dollars from the Congolese state and people, and have used brutal violence at times to gain or maintain the ultimate prize: control of the state and its vast natural resource base. During Kabila’s tenure, up to $4 billion per year has gone missing or been stolen due to the manipulation of mining contracts, budgets, and state assets. This follows trends set by King Leopold, the Belgian colonial authorities, Mobutu Sese Seko, and Kabila’s father who preceded him as president before his assassination. These regimes have partnered with commercial actors to rob Congolese people of their valuable natural resource assets. These leaders' international partners have also profited significantly, some of whom reportedly have paid large bribes to do so. For example, in a recent U.S. Department of Justice plea agreement, the U.S. hedge fund Och-Ziff asserted that some of its business partners, including Israeli businessman Dan Gertler according to sources familiar with the case, paid over $100 million in bribes to Congolese officials in order to receive billions of dollars worth of mineral concessions at very low prices. Violence has been the systemic companion of these regimes. It is estimated that 5.4 million people have died and hundreds of thousands have been subjected to sexual violence in conflict during the rule of Joseph Kabila and that of his father, Laurent Kabila, with the active participation of neighboring states in the killing and looting inside Congo, particularly Rwanda and Uganda. This is in addition to structural violence and repression. Based on field and historical research, this study argues that President Kabila and his close associates rely in large part on theft, violence, and impunity to stay in power at the expense of the country’s development. From the days of Leopold to the present, top officials in Congo and their associates have created seven “pillars” of violent kleptocracy. They are: Let the security forces pay themselves. Mobutu said, “You have guns, you don’t need a salary.” In order to prevent being overthrown by force, the regime allows army commanders to become wealthy by exploiting resources and citizens, thus fueling cycles of conflict. Stay in power, or possibly lose everything. Leaving office can mean that regime-connected elites lose their ill-gotten gains and immunity from prosecution. Pro-democracy movements are thus repressed, often violently, as they are threats to the corrupt system. Ensure there is little to no accountability for regime-connected elites. Impunity is the glue that holds the system together. Judicial systems target regime opponents or low-level figures, not high-level perpetrators of corruption or human rights abuses. Create parallel state structures and co-opt rebel groups to weaken political threats. Parallel chains of command are set up to ensure loyalty; rebels are brought into the army without vetting or real integration. The bloated army then commits abuses and collaborates with armed groups. Ensure that high-level officials benefit from corruption. If appointed to a military post or government office, the official is expected to pass payments up the chain. This system, “rapportage,” has led the real tax burden for Congolese citizens to be around 55 percent. Personally profit from natural resource deals, underspend on services, and hijack reforms. The regime receives bribes from certain outsiders to sell resources at very low prices, then outsiders flip them for large profits, depriving the Congolese state of massive revenue. Transparency reforms such as the Extractive Indsutries Transparency Initiative (EITI) help a bit, but the main vehicles for corruption—state-owned companies and their foreign shell company partners—remain opaque. The government deliberately underspends on public services, as its focus is on patronage. Confuse everyone by creating uncertainty on policies in order to increase corruption. The government creates institutions that contradict its own laws or policies, and state agencies impose and collect their own taxes, which increases predation. These “pillars” have made the Congolese state largely an institutional façade for an enterprise of theft and predation. This is why the government resists serious reform of its army, justice sector, and state-owned companies, which are at the heart of many crises in Congo. This has had devastating effects, as average Congolese citizens earn less than they did in the 1970s in real prices. The system coexists with a formal side in which the state performs some functions, and some basic infrastructure financed by China has been built. However, there is a logic as to why Congo has not developed into a more peaceful, capable state. A weak state that provides few services but keeps army commanders busy, mineral wealth opaque, and impunity continuous for regime leaders serves them by allowing them to maximize profits and maintain power. The unique networks controlling kleptocratic systems often contain the seeds of their own demise, and Mobutu’s control of Congo’s kleptocracy was no different. The focus on patronage led to gross economic inefficiency, divide and rule strategies created escalating opposition which spilled over into rebellion, and when Mobutu’s patronage money ran low, elites and the population turned against him. As Mobutu’s network frayed and began to collapse, his decision to support the former Rwandan army and militias that had committed the 1994 genocide and escaped across the border into Congo led to the decision by Rwanda and Uganda to invade Congo, in turn leading to the deadliest war in the world since World War II. Some of these seeds of demise and instability are reappearing today. Shifting the analytical lens from failed state to kleptocratic state. The international community largely analyzes Congo as a fragile or failed state, pumping in aid and peacekeeping assistance to make up for the lack of investment or interest in the provision of state services. Official aid to Congo averaged $2.6 billion annually from 2006 to 2013. Meanwhile, the Kabila regime starves state services. Just one example: while his presidential cabinet received nearly triple its planned budget in 2015 ($88 million), the electoral commission received only one-third its budget ($69 million). If international policymakers are to have a real impact in helping Congolese reformers actually reform the system, they need to shift lenses. They should view the current situation in Congo as the latest iteration of a longer pattern of violence and corruption, and respond accordingly. Policies should focus on creating significant consequences for those most responsible for the system of violence, corruption, and undermining of democracy. This can be done by creating new leverage using tools of financial pressure normally reserved for countering nuclear proliferation and terrorism aimed at isolating certain leaders from the international financial system, and increasing support for Congolese civil society organizations and journalists to hold the government accountable. Policy goals should be two-fold: to create accountability for financial and human rights crimes; and to create new leverage for peace, human rights, and governance reforms. The West has as-yet unrealized and unutilized leverage with the regime, as Congo’s officials and international commercial partners use U.S. dollars for transactions, thus touching the western banking system. This combination would much more strongly support Congolese efforts to change the system and enhance good governance. Recommendations Financial pressure: For a policy of financial pressure aimed at reforms, the United States and other actors within the international community should combine the use of anti-money laundering measures with widened, enforced targeted sanctions designations. This would comprise a new and unique financial pressure approach that would create real leverage in support of processes that can bring change in Congo. The objective would be to freeze out of the international financial system those committing atrocities and undermining peace. Congress should ensure that the U.S. Department of the Treasury has sufficient resources and direction to undertake investigations and enforcement. Enacting anti-money laundering measures. The U.S. Treasury Department and key African and European government financial intelligence units (FIUs) should work in partnership to take measures to counter money laundering activities that transit through banks in Congo and abroad. For example, the U.S. FIU, known as the Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN), should issue a public advisory concerning the patterns used to launder the proceeds of corruption from Congo, as well as any other sets of transactions that may represent money laundering activity, such as elements of the gold trade. Such an advisory should include, where possible, discussion of the correspondent banking channels used by Congolese and regional banks to connect to the international financial system. Other FIUs should take similar advisory steps, which collectively should urge banks and other financial institutions to conduct stronger due diligence and provide more reporting on suspicious transactions. However, given the relevance of the U.S. dollar to transactions that underlie kleptocratic activity in Congo, an advisory from FinCEN would be the strongest first step. FinCEN and FIUs from African governments, such as South Africa, Uganda, and Tanzania, should collaborate on information sharing, capacity building programs, and enforcement to make these advisories and the subsequent investigations more effective. Enhancing targeted sanctions. The United States, European Union, African Union, Southern African Development Community, and the United Nations Security Council each have their own sanctions frameworks and authorities. These governments or bodies should learn the lessons of past sanctions by using these authorities to impose targeted sanctions, aggressively enforce those sanctions, and place other financial pressure on senior officials, business owners, banks, and armed commanders that comprise the leadership of the kleptocratic network that is responsible for perpetrating and/or benefiting from violence, autocracy, and corruption in Congo. Where necessary, additional sanctions authorities should be adopted, such as a new executive order in the United States and the equivalent in other countries, that enable measures that target those benefitting from public corruption or misappropriation of state assets. Accountability: The International Criminal Court (ICC), the United States, Central and East African nations, and European states should use judicial tools to target the facilitators of violence, prosecute corruption-related crimes, and bolster atrocity crimes cases with a strategy to target assets stolen by those responsible for serious crimes to impose real accountability. Targeting the facilitators of violence and prosecuting pillage. The ICC and national courts with appropriate jurisdiction should investigate serious ongoing crimes in Congo including aiding and abetting atrocities perpetrated by armed groups. These courts should also investigate the war crime of natural resource pillage, particularly related to gold. Seizing criminally derived assets. The ICC’s Office of the Prosecutor should seize criminally derived assets in relation to its current and future Congo cases and develop a wider strategy for asset seizures across all cases. It should revive the ICC financial crimes unit. The U.S. Department of Justice’s Kleptocracy Asset Recovery Initiative should investigate and locate the proceeds of grand corruption and organized violence in Congo and use asset forfeiture provisions to recover those assets and return them to the communities from which they were stolen. Prosecuting corruption-related crimes. The U.S. Department of Justice, under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act and other relevant statutes, as well as its European counterparts, e.g. in Belgium, the United Kingdom, and Norway, should investigate and prosecute embezzlement, extortion, and other crimes related to corruption. Good governance and transparency: The overall objective of policymakers should be a reformed, functional state that is responsive to Congolese citizens’ needs. While pursuing financial and legal pressure to create immediate costs for current corrupt and violent behavior, the U.S., European, African, Asian, and multilateral institutions should support long-term democratic and transparency processes, governance reforms, and needed capacities by taking the following steps: Reforming Aid. Capacity building programs in all sectors need to be reconceived so that they no longer reinforce existing corrupt institutions, as where there is no political will for reform they will not have the desired impact. Donor countries should undertake a top-to-bottom review to focus only on aiding institutions that are in the process of reform. Donors must incorporate strong accountability and oversight measures in state capacity building and security sector programs in Congo and be willing to defund or reject projects if the government fails to include safeguards to prevent corruption. For example, an aid program should not only give equipment and training to ministry officials, but also require that the ministry pay salaries on time and its anti-corruption unit actively pursue corruption cases. Congress should play a constructive role in ensuring aid is well targeted and require oversight and reporting related to state capacity building programs. Pressing for the publication of financial reports and audits of state-owned companies and the China contract. The United States, European countries, International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and mining companies investing in Congo should strongly encourage President Kabila and the DRC Minister of Portfolio to require that key state-owned companies such as Gécamines and SOKIMO publish detailed annual financial statements. Furthermore, there should be an independent, third-party audit conducted and published of the companies and the expenditures related to the $6.2 billion Congo-China agreement, an opaque arrangement. Strengthening EITI implementation and urge completion of the Mining Code review. The United States, the African Development Bank, European states, and the World Bank should strengthen Extractive Indsutries Transparency Initiative (EITI) implementation in Congo by pressing for EITI reports to disclose the expenditures of state-owned companies, as required by EITI, pushing for full beneficial ownership disclosure, particularly for partners of state-owned companies, and following up on contract transparency. Also, the United States, European Union, World Bank, African Development Bank, and mining companies investing in Congo should urge the Congolese government to complete the Mining Code review with the full participation of civil society. Supporting civil society with increased legal aid, protection, and capacity building. U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), European donor agencies, the African Union, and the U.N. Development Programme (UNDP) should increase democracy support, particularly legal aid and protection support, to civil society, faith-based, and women’s groups to enable them to function as a more effective watchdog on democracy and corruption. In addition, the U.N. Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) and international donors should increase their protection of human rights defenders. Details: Washington, DC: Enough, 2016. 121p. Source: Internet Resource: Violent Kleptocracy Series: East & Central Africa: Accessed October 27, 2016 at: http://www.enoughproject.org/files/A_Criminal_State_Enough_Oct2016_web.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Bribery Shelf Number: 140856 |
Author: International Crisis Group Title: Boulevard of Broken Dreams: The "Street" and Politics in DR Congo Summary: The Democratic Republic of Congo's Joseph Kabila is dragging his feet on kick-starting the country's constitutionally-mandated presidential elections. By pursuing his own interests, Kabila is running the risk of triggering violent popular anger in the country's urban centers and a heavy-handed response by security forces. This ICG report lays out what should be done to work through the current political impasse. Details: Brussels/Narobi: International Crisis Group, 2016. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 8, 2016 at: http://www.refworld.org/docid/57ff4d3a4.html Year: 2016 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Political Corruption Shelf Number: 146286 |
Author: Awazi, Alain Title: Trafficking of Gold and and Coltan in the Democratic Republic of Congo Summary: Following a dictatorship that lasted for 30 years, in May 1997, the late MOBUTU SESE SEKO was pushed out of power by Laurent Desire KABILA, with the support of The Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire ("AFDL") rebels and neighboring countries following a war that caused several hundred thousand deaths. Zaire became the "Democratic Republic of the Congo" (DRC), beginning a long period of instability dominated by armed conflicts from various rival groups, which profoundly affected the economy. It is unanimously agreed that economic motives, directly related to exploitation and traffic of mineral in East of the country, have been a substantial cause of those conflicts. The purpose of this short descriptive document is to present relevant background information about the Democratic Republic of the Congo ("DRC" or "DR Congo") and the criminal or illegal exploitation of coltan and gold. The document consists of eight parts: The introductory first part is followed by a second part that includes a background on the DR Congo; the third part is a description of the socio-political and economic situation of the country; the fourth part includes relevant information regarding crimes and human rights violations in DRC; the fifth part is a description of trafficking in Kivu; the sixth part describes the situation of law enforcement around the exploitation; the seventh covers current and active mechanism for regulating the extraction and production of minerals and the eighth section presents some conclusions. Details: Bogotá, Colombia: Vortex Foundation, 2016. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: The Global Observatory of Transnational Criminal Networks: Research Paper No. 3. VORTEX Working Papers No. 14: Accessed January 26, 2017 at: http://globalinitiative.net/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/522e46_f2a86e46cc1040b78d9867291bd87bca.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Conflict Minerals Shelf Number: 145434 |
Author: Lopez Guevara, Estefania Title: Coltan Trafficking Network in the Democratic Republic of Congo Summary: Trafficking of Coltan is the main economic, social and political source of instability in The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and surrounding countries, including Rwanda and Burundi. The illegal market of the ore has roots in transnational and domestic corruption, financial support to armed groups, violation of workers' rights, multinationals collusion, instability of international prices minerals and lack of diversification. Armed groups earn hundreds of millions of dollars every year by trading coltan that is smuggled out of Congo throughout neighboring countries and then shipped to smelters for refinement. Once the coltan is processed, it is difficult to trace its origin, so it easily makes its way all over the world, mainly, in electronic products. The sophisticated trafficking system of coltan is based on elite networks that operate mainly in DRC, linked to transnational organized crime and also to transnational lawful agents, such as corporations. Several lawful and unlawful agents conform each network. In fact, it has been reported that there is - competition between corrupt generals and rebels. In the case of the militia groups profits go on buying arms on the black market. With the generals, some [profits] go on arms, but lots of it goes on luxury things like villas. The profits are funding the war for everyone - both sides. It's a self-supporting war. (France 24, 2008) This document is the analysis of a criminal network traffics coltan, diamonds, arms, gold, and other minerals and commodities across the DRC and surrounding countries. The document has five parts: The first part is an introduction; the second part is a description of the methodology and the concepts related to Social Network Analysis, which is the methodological approach herein applied; the third part is a presentation of a criminal network defined as a "coltan trafficking and elite network in DRC", as well as the sources gathered and processed in this analysis; the fourth part is a presentation of the characteristics of the criminal structure, which includes a description of the types of nodes/agents, the interactions established, and the nodes/agents concentrating direct interactions and the capacity to arbitrate resources. The fifth part includes conclusions related to the characteristics the analyzed network. Details: Bogotá, Colombia: Vortex Foundation, 2016. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: The Global Observatory of Transnational Criminal Networks: Research Paper No. 19. VORTEX Working Papers no. 14: Accessed January 27, 2017 at: http://globalinitiative.net/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/522e46_f0896eb2340e4941bdd0de3f52e3bc65.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Conflict Minerals Shelf Number: 145815 |
Author: Lopez Guevara, Estefania Title: Trafficking of Coltan in the Democratic Republic of Congo Summary: The subjects analyzed in the document are the commerce, fraud, and contraband, as well as mechanisms and agents at internal and external levels intervening in the trafficking of coltan. This document also examines the (i) key criminal agents and other activities relating to the traffic of the ore, (ii) hotspots and (iii) recent cases covered by media. Details: Bogota, Colombia: Vortex, 2016. 27p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Paper No. 4.: Accessed February 24, 2017 at: http://globalinitiative.net/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/522e46_bee14894ac2a4354a2ae49710c88bdd0.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Conflict Minerals Shelf Number: 141218 |
Author: White, Natasha Title: The White Gold of Jihad: violence, legitimisation and contestation in anti-poaching strategies Summary: Since 2011, elephant poaching and the illegal ivory trade have been labelled a "serious threat to peace and security". Rigorous military training and weapons have been provided to rangers, national armies have been deployed in protected areas, and shoot-to-kill policies have been (re-)adopted. Within the framework of political ecology, the article critically approaches this "war" for Africa's elephants. Adopting the tools of discourse analysis, it explores how such violence has been legitimized by the "transnational conservation community" and, in turn, how this has been contested by other actors. It argues that the "war" has been legitimized by drawing on two broader threat discourses – the ivory-crime-terror linkage and the 'ChinaAfrica' threat. Through the discursive creation of a boundary object, poaching has 'become' a human concern that appeals to actors typically outside the conservation community. In the final Section, the case of the Lord's Resistance Army's poaching activities in Garamba National Park is explored, to show how the knowledge upon which judgements are made and decisions are taken is ahistorical, depoliticized and based on a series of untenable assumptions Details: Unpublished paper, 2013. 21p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed march 6, 2017 at: http://jpe.library.arizona.edu/volume_21/White.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Animal Poaching Shelf Number: 145586 |
Author: The Sentry Title: The Terrorists' Treasury: How a Bank Linked to Congo's President Enabled Hezbollah Financiers to Bust U.S. Sanctions. Summary: The same banks used by kleptocratic governments to divert state assets can also be used by terrorist financing networks. This is what has taken place at one prominent bank in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Individuals and entities subject to U.S. sanctions, in connection with Hezbollah, used the bank to move money through the international banking system, despite several warnings from bank employees that doing so could violate U.S. sanctions. This was not just any bank. BGFIBank DRC, the institution that processed the transactions, is run by President Joseph Kabila's brother and has been mentioned in a recent scandal in Congo involving the alleged diversion of public funds from state-owned mining companies and the national electoral commission. As set out in this report, in 2011 bank employees at BGFIBank DRC raised the alarm with senior officials at the bank, in writing, about a series of transactions. The concern was that the transactions involved companies linked to financiers of Hezbollah, a Lebanon-based terrorist group and political party. The main entities in question were subsidiaries of Kinshasa-based business conglomerate Congo Futur, a company under U.S. Department of the Treasury sanctions. Among the recipients of the warnings was Francis Selemani Mtwale, the bank's CEO and brother of President Joseph Kabila. But the bank's relationship with Hezbollah-linked companies continued. BGFIBank DRC even went so far as to request that certain transactions be unblocked by the U.S. Treasury Department's Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) after other banks refused to process them. And BGFIBank DRC continued to engage in correspondence with Congo Futur-affiliated company representatives in 2016. This raises major questions about the bank's ability and willingness to fulfill its sanctions and anti-money laundering compliance obligations. BGFIBank DRC has been reported to have been used to divert significant public funds in Congo, including millions of dollars in withdrawals by Congo's electoral commission, and transfers of $8 million in cash in irregular "tax advances" from Congo's largest state-owned mining company, Gecamines. Published reports raise serious questions about the bank's regulatory and compliance regime. Inadequate anti-money laundering compliance and sanctions enforcement standards at banks can empower a wide range of criminal groups and corrupt actorsand ultimately undermine governance and contribute to instability in Congo and elsewhere. Members of civil society have suggested that business interests could be part of the reason Kabila, who has sparked a violent nationwide political crisis by recently overstaying his presidential term limits, has maintained an iron grip on the presidency. In the example profiled in this report, BGFIBank DRC's approach to enforcing sanctions has allowed Kassim Tajideen - described by the U.S. government as "an important financial contributor" who "has contributed tens of millions of dollars to Hizballah" - and his network to maintain access to the global financial system despite being placed under U.S. sanctions in 2009 and 2010. The documents reviewed by The Sentry also show links between Congo Futur and other firms under Kassim Tajideen's control. These documents indicate that Congo Futur subsidiaries used BGFIBank DRC to operate accounts and make wire transfers after both Congo Futur and Kassim were placed under U.S. sanctions, despite warnings from bank employees that the bank should not do so. This is despite repeated public assertions from both Kassim and one of his brothers who is not under U.S. sanctions, Congo Futur General Manager Ahmed Tajideen, that the Kinshasa-based conglomerate had no links to any of the Tajideens under U.S. sanctions. Congo Futur has continued to thrive in Congo despite U.S. sanctions; it even maintains financial ties to the Congolese government and has received government contracts. These continued relations raise serious questions about the Congolese government's reliability in the fight against global terrorism, transnational crime, and illicit finance. Congo Futur has risen and remained prominent despite facing sanctions and the Kabila regime's decreasing legitimacy. BGFIBank DRC has been used to facilitate Congo Futur's access to the U.S. financial system, despite sanctions. Details: Washington, DC: The Sentry Project, 2017. 43p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 9, 2017 at: https://cdn.thesentry.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/09/TerroristsTreasury_TheSentry_October2017_final.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Financial Crimes Shelf Number: 148095 |
Author: Tankink, Marian T.A. Title: Living Peace in Democratic Republic of the Congo: An Impact Evaluation of an Intervention with Male Partners of Women Survivors of Conflict-Related Rape and Intimate Partner Violence Summary: This report presents the findings of a qualitative, time-series evaluation that assessed the impact on intimate partner violence (IPV) prevention of a pilot intervention program called Living Peace, which targeted the husbands of women who had experienced conflict-related rape and IPV in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). The impact evaluation was conducted in 2016, three years after the intervention was piloted, with men who had participated in Living Peace and with their partners/spouses, and other family and community members. The vast majority of the male respondents who had participated in Living Peace reported that the intervention had helped them adopt more equitable, nonviolent attitudes and behaviors and had positively impacted their intimate and family relationships; they also reported that they continued to observe these changes three years after the intervention. Details: Washington, DC: Promundo-US., 2017. 90p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 1, 2017 at: https://promundoglobal.org/resources/living-peace-democratic-republic-congo-impact-evaluation-intervention-male-partners-women-survivors-conflict-related-rape-intimate-partner-violence/ Year: 2017 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Abusive Men Shelf Number: 148664 |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: "Special Mission": Recruitment of M23 Rebels to Suppress Protests in the Democratic Republic of Congo Languages Summary: Security forces in the Democratic Republic of Congo killed at least 62 people and arrested hundreds of others during protests across the country between December 19 and 22, 2016, after President Joseph Kabila refused to step down at the end of his constitutionally mandated two-term limit. In the lead-up to the December protests, and as pressure on Kabila escalated, senior Congolese security force officers had mobilized at least 200 and likely many more former M23 rebel fighters from neighboring Uganda and Rwanda to protect Kabila and help quash the anti-Kabila protests. M23 fighters were integrated into Congolese army, police, and Republican Guard units and given explicit orders to use lethal force, including at "point-blank range" if necessary. With more protests planned in the coming weeks - nearly one year past the end of Kabila's constitutional mandate - the findings in this report raise concerns about further violence and repression. "Special Mission": Recruitment of M23 Rebels to Suppress Protests in the Democratic Republic of Congo is based on over 120 interviews, including with victims and witnesses of abuses, 9 Congolese security force officers, and 21 M23 combatants, commanders, and political leaders. Research was conducted in Kinshasa, Goma, and Lubumbashi in Congo, and in Rwanda and Uganda from December 2016 to November 2017. Human Rights Watch calls on President Kabila and other senior officials to end all unlawful and excessive use of force and other forms of repression against protesters, activists, and the political opposition, and to cease all recruitment of M23 fighters to participate in such repression. Congo's international partners should increase the pressure on Kabila to step down as required by the constitution and support a peaceful transition and credible elections. Details: New York: HRW, 2017. 81p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 17, 2018 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/drc1217_web2_0.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Deadly Force Shelf Number: 148848 |
Author: U.S. Government Accountability Office Title: Conflict Minerals: Company Reports on Mineral Sources in 2017 Are Similar to Prior Years and New Data on Sexual Violence Are Available Summary: Over the past decade, the United States and the international community have sought to improve security in the DRC. In the eastern DRC, armed groups have committed severe human rights abuses, including sexual violence, and reportedly profit from the exploitation of "conflict minerals" - in particular, tin, tungsten, tantalum, and gold, according to the United Nations. Congress included a provision in the 2010 Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act that, among other things, required the SEC to promulgate regulations regarding the use of conflict minerals from the DRC and adjoining countries. The SEC adopted these regulations in 2012. The act also included a provision for GAO to annually assess the SEC regulations' effectiveness in promoting peace and security and report on the rate of sexual violence in the DRC and adjoining countries. In this report, GAO provides information about (1) companies' conflict minerals disclosures filed with the SEC in 2017 compared with disclosures filed in the prior 2 years and (2) the rate of sexual violence in the eastern DRC and adjoining countries published in 2017 and early 2018. GAO analyzed a generalizable random sample of SEC filings and interviewed relevant officials. GAO reviewed U.S., United Nations, and international organizations' reports; interviewed DRC officials, and other stakeholders; and conducted fieldwork in New York at the United Nations headquarters. Details: Washington, DC: GAO, 2018. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: GAO-18-457: Accessed July 2, 2018 at: https://www.gao.gov/assets/700/692851.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Conflict Minerals Shelf Number: 150754 |
Author: The Sentry Title: The Golden Laundromat: The Conflict Gold Trade from Eastern Congo to the United States and Europe Summary: An investigation by The Sentry raises significant concerns that gold mined from conflict areas in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo ("Congo") is reaching international markets, including the supply chains of major U.S. companies and in products that consumers use every day. Documents reviewed and interviews conducted by The Sentry raise serious concern that the corporate network controlled by Belgian tycoon Alain Goetz has refined illegally-smuggled conflict gold from eastern Congo at the African Gold Refinery (AGR) in Uganda and then exported it through a series of companies to the United States and Europe, potentially including Amazon, General Electric (GE), and Sony. According to the United Nations (U.N.), conflict gold provides the largest source of revenue to armed actors in the conflict in eastern Congo, where an estimated 3.3 to 7.6 million people have died. An estimated $300 to $600 million worth of gold is smuggled out of Congo each year. According to documents reviewed by The Sentry, AGR exported approximately $377 million in gold in 2017 to an apparent affiliate of the Belgian gold refinery Tony Goetz NV, based in Dubai. According to 2018 U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission filings, 283 publicly-traded companies in the U.S. listed the Belgian refinery as an entity that may be in their supply chains, despite the fact that the refinery failed a major international conflict minerals audit in 2017. Those same filings indicate that AGR itself, opened in Uganda in 2016 and owned by Goetz, may also be in the supply chains of 103 publicly traded U.S. companies, including GE and Halliburton. Numerous sources interviewed by The Sentry identified AGR as sourcing conflict gold from Congo. Twelve different traders and government officials in the region told The Sentry that AGR has taken over a significant portion of the market for gold trafficked from Congo to Uganda and the region, and Ugandan export records reviewed by The Sentry show that AGR accounted for over 99 percent of gold officially exported from Uganda in 2017. Uganda is the main transit hub for gold smuggled out of Congo, according to the U.N. Group of Experts (with Rwanda growing as such).11 Two major gold smugglers in Congo acknowledged to The Sentry that they illegally trafficked gold from eastern Congo to AGR, and other regional gold traders corroborated these accounts. Furthermore, four regional traders told The Sentry that gold traffickers Buganda Bagalwa and Mange Namuhanda, who have been named in several U.N. Group of Experts reports on Congo as purchasers of conflict gold, supplied gold to AGR in 2017. AGR specifically denies having received gold from Bagalwa or Namuhanda and denies generally that it has otherwise received significant amounts of undocumented gold from other sources. Goetz has set up a major gold trading hub in Rwanda as well. The activities of the network appear to be noncompliant with both international supply chain due diligence guidance and international anti-money laundering safeguards as the network's companies buy, refine, and then sell the gold. As a result, the hundreds of publicly listed U.S. companies that may source gold from the refineries in this network are at risk of purchasing conflict gold. Goetz is a director or owner of 14 different companies, from Uganda, Dubai, Belgium, and Luxembourg, and 6 of these companies have the same address in Belgium. For its part, AGR steadfastly maintains that it is committed to refraining from any action that contributes to the financing of conflict and that its due diligence systems are based on international guidance. Further, Tony Goetz NV asserts that it follows strict procedures to avoid sourcing conflict minerals and that it follows all laws and international guidelines. Nevertheless, according to documents reviewed and sources interviewed by The Sentry, there is a significant risk that AGR has sourced large volumes of gold from eastern Congo with undocumented origins and lacking conflict-free certification. Although AGR has confirmed that it sources gold from Congo and that it sources some undocumented gold, it insists that the latter comes from old jewelry and other scrap sources. However, sourcing scrap from countries known to be transit points for conflict gold is a red flag in international due diligence guidance because it can be a loophole for mixing in gold from conflict sources. It is illegal, according to Congolese law, to export gold from artisanal mines that are not certified as conflict-free in Congo. An estimated 96 percent of artisanal gold mines in Congo are not certified at present (60 out of approximately 1,499), an estimated 71 percent of gold miners work at conflict mines according to the latest independent survey, and in 2017 the U.N. Group of Experts said that it had confirmed that nearly all artisanally sourced gold in Congo was exported illegally. In sum, nearly all of the gold mined in Congo flowing to Uganda is very likely not from certified mines. According to Ugandan export records, AGR also exported gold in 2017 to a Dubai-based company that in 2012 had reportedly been one of the most important cash suppliers to Kaloti Precious Metals, the Dubai-based gold refining giant. In 2015, a Kaloti refinery was de-listed from the Dubai "Good Delivery" list after failing to meet the criteria for Good Delivery certification and following a gold sourcing scandal. AGR has denied exporting to this company or knowing of the links between the supplier and Kaloti. Goetz's new gold trading operation in Rwanda is also significant, exporting approximately one ton of gold per month since November 2017 (the equivalent of $500 million per year), according to the U.N. Group of Experts. The U.N. Group of Experts concluded in 2018 that much of the gold traded in Rwanda and Uganda is smuggled from Congo and/or other neighboring countries. In 2016 and 2017, it appears that Goetz's network effectively assumed much of the market share previously controlled by another Uganda-based gold trading network run by the directors of Uganda Commercial Impex, which has been extensively involved in sourcing uncertified gold from eastern Congo for more than a decade, according to the U.N. Group of Experts. That network has greatly decreased its trade but remains somewhat active and in competition with Goetz, according to regional experts and the U.N. Group of Experts. The smuggling of gold from eastern Congo and the region by hand using commercial airlines also remains a key area of concern. The Sentry conducted over 100 interviews with gold miners, traders, and civil society organizations in Congo for this report. The investigation found evidence of armed groups and army commanders collecting illegal taxes on miners, government agents, and businessmen, and of clashes between armed groups and the Congolese army at gold mines. The trail of conflict gold follows a roughly six-step supply chain from eastern Congo to its primary end-products jewelry, gold bars for investors and banks, and electronics.... Details: Washington, DC: The Sentry, 2018. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 15, 2018 at: https://cdn.thesentry.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/GoldenLaundromat_Sentry_Oct2018-final.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Conflict Gold Shelf Number: 153483 |
Author: Haider, Huma Title: Modern Slavery in the Democratic Republic of Congo Summary: Overview 'Modern slavery' encompasses a variety of situations in which one person is forcibly controlled by one or more others for the purpose of exploitation (Cockayne, 2015). 'Forced or compulsory labour' is defined by the ILO Forced Labour Convention as all work or service which is exacted from any person under the menace of any penalty and for which the said person has not offered himself voluntarily'. The means of coercion by the exploiter can be overt and observable (e.g. armed guards who prevent workers from leaving) or subtle and not immediately observable (e.g. confiscation of identity papers) (ILO, 2012). The ILO estimates that 20.9 million people are victims of forced labour globally, for the period 2002-2011 (ILO, 2012). The Global Slavery Index estimates for 2016 that there are 45.8 million people in some form of modern slavery. In the case of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Global Slavery Index (GSI) 2016 reports that the estimated number of people living in modern slavery is 873,100 (rank 9 of 167 countries). This amounts to an estimated proportion in slavery of 1.130 percent (rank 6 of 167 countries). These estimates of prevalence are derived from a 2010 survey, published in JAMA, focused on sexual violence and other human rights violations in the conflict-affected North and South Kivu provinces and in Ituri. There are various DRC studies that seek not to determine prevalence but to find the existence and indication of the scale of modern slavery. - The 2013 Free the Slaves study of South Kivu finds that 866 of the total sample of 931 persons interviewed across all three mining sites (93 percent) were enslaved in one of more types of slavery (Free the Slaves, 2013). - The 2011 Free the Slaves study of North Kivu finds that 40 percent of respondents interviewed in Bisie were found to be in confirmed situations of slavery (Free the Slaves, 2013). - The 2014 USAID study of South Kivu and North Katanga finds that 6.7 percent of survey respondents are or have been victims of trafficking (USAID, 2014). Studies in the eastern DRC have identified six types of slavery: forced labour, debt bondage, peonage, sex slavery, forced marriage, and the enslavement of children (Bale, 2013; Free the Slaves, 2013; Free the Slaves, 2011). There can be overlap in the experiences of slavery. Women, for example, may be subject to sex slavery and debt bondage, concurrently. Details: Birmingham, UK: Knowledge, Evidence, and Learning for Development, 2017. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 11, 2019 at: http://gsdrc.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/052-Modern-slavery-in-the-DRC-v2.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Child Slaves Shelf Number: 154118 |
Author: Callaway, Annie Title: Powering Down Corruption: Tacking Transparency and Human Rights Risks from Congo's Cobalt Mines to Global Supply Chains Summary: The copper and cobalt industry in the Democratic Republic of Congo (Congo) has become "a cash cow for those in power in Kinshasa and their acolytes here in the [Lualaba] province," a miner at a cooperative in Kolwezi city told the Enough Project in February, 2018. "It's millions and millions of dollars that they have been reaping to fill their pockets for years." A Congolese representative from a nongovernmental organization focused on natural resource transparency further warned: "The increase in international demand for cobalt is likely to trigger a cobalt rush with more militarization of the mines and more human rights violations. The political and security landscape being volatile in Congo, advocacy organizations and [companies] can choose to be preemptive now or wait [to take action] until the situation gets out of control." These observations encapsulate the precipice on which Congo's cobalt industry rests: continue to be consumed by corrupt or violent actors-as has historically been the case for much of the country's natural resource wealth, including cobalt-or emerge as an example that breaks the exploitation cycle and uses the mounting international market rush as an opportunity to build a responsible, transparent, and stable cobalt sector. As it stands today, cobalt benefits and motivates some of the largest corruption networks in Congo, and is an important source of finance for President Joseph Kabila's regime. The wide spectrum of corruption in the cobalt trade combined with abuses at and around cobalt mine sites and links to state-sanctioned violence and grand corruption forms a crucial pillar in Congo's violent kleptocratic system. It is therefore essential to tackle the underlying issues of corruption and opaque business dealings in order to support correlating goals of peace, human rights, and good governance. Congo produced and estimated 58 percent of the world's cobalt in 2017. With demand increasing and electric vehicle manufacturers and consumer electronics companies scrambling to secure their access to this critical material, there is a nearly unprecedented opportunity for companies to engage proactively and continuously in dedicated supply chain due diligence-or for corrupt networks to make millions in a climate of scarce regulation and oversight. Cobalt is mined on both large-scale and artisanal concessions in Congo, each presenting its own set of challenges. Industrial or large-scale mining (LSM) lacks transparency in several key areas of contracting, subcontracting, and joint venture disclosure practices. Artisanal or small-scale mining (ASM) in some cobalt mining areas has links to illegal and corrupt involvement of armed military actors, nontransparent documentation of production and export data, and human rights abuses such as child labor and hazardous working conditions. Connections back to President Kabila and his regime emerge in both artisanal and industrial mining. If managed transparently and responsibly, cobalt revenues could help alleviate poverty in Congo and be a backbone for development. Especially as Congo implements a new mining code that considerably raises royalties on cobalt, a responsible and transparent trade could, in theory, have nearly unprecedented social and development benefits. To complement these, companies using cobalt to propel forward renewable energy technologies such as electric vehicles and rechargeable batteries could also share the benefits of these technologies with Congo's mining communities. Hundreds of millions of dollars went missing from Congo's state-owned mining company, Gecamines, between 2011 and 2014, with direct ties from this missing money to deals with international copper and cobalt mining companies. The networks of corruption extend beyond Congo's borders to foreign commercial facilitators such as key Kabila financier Dan Gertler, whom the U.S. government sanctioned in 2017 for generating illicit wealth, mainly from corrupt and opaque mining deals in Congo. And several industrial cobalt and copper mining companies operating in Congo are currently under investigation in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada for their potential role in corrupt activities. The scale of potential revenue in this trade dwarfs that of tin, tungsten, tantalum and gold - otherwise known collectively as conflict minerals. Although cobalt mines are not located in areas with a history of armed conflict, as was the case with conflict minerals in Congo's Kivu provinces, the cobalt industry is nonetheless connected to violence. The Republican Guard - the president's elite security force - has been documented illegally controlling artisanal mine sites, sometimes through use of violence or threat thereof. These abuses are in addition to the documented accounts of child labor, sexual exploitation, and other violations of human rights. In order to ensure that human rights abuses are not used as a means to an end for corrupt actors looking to access massive profit illicitly, companies must actively incorporate transparency initiatives into their sourcing protocols. Automotive, consumer electronics, and other end-user companies that drive global demand for cobalt have an important opportunity to implement and help enforce transparency and anticorruption measures in order to ensure that their supply chains are responsible and that Congolese citizens are able to benefit from their countrys natural resources. Building on existing frameworks developed to address child labor and other related issues in Congos artisanal cobalt sector, companies should take the opportunity to also establish rigorous processes to enhance contract and ownership transparency and illuminate the opaque linkages to grand corruption and human rights abuses in the global cobalt supply chain, conduct due diligence to mitigate the risks associated with corruption, and create a new standard operating environment in which corruption and human rights abuses are not a part of business. Details: Washington, DC: Enough Project, 2018. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 18, 2019 at: https://enoughproject.org/wp-content/uploads/PoweringDownCorruption_Enough_Oct2018-web.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Child Labor Shelf Number: 155035 |
Author: Global Witness Title: Total Systems Failure: Exposing the Global Secrecy Destroying Forests in the Democratic Republic of Congo Summary: Our two-year investigation reveals that European company Norsudtimber - the biggest single owner of logging concessions covering over 40,000 km2 of rainforest in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) - is operating illegally on 90% of its sites. At the same time, Norway and France are planning to fund an US$18 million programme, which includes backing the expansion of industrial logging in DRC and support to Norsudtimber - which is headquartered in the Alpine tax haven of Liechtenstein. This directly contradicts both countries' climate and forest protection goals. Expanding industrial logging in DRC's rainforest could generate 35 million tonnes of extra CO2 emissions per year, thereby accelerating climate change. China, Vietnam, France and Portugal are also all failing to stop Norsudtimber's illegal timber trading: 78% of its timber exports went to Vietnam and China between 2013 and 2017, 11% went to Europe, with the majority going to Portugal and France. Almost 60% of the timber exported comes from endangered or vulnerable tree species. The report "Total Systems Failure" shows how a global web of secrecy - made up of tax havens and shell companies listed in Liechtenstein, Dubai and Hong Kong - is facilitating this illegal international trade whilst protecting three Portuguese brothers at the head of the company from scrutiny. Norsudtimber's detailed response to the allegations is included in Global Witness' report. Details: London: The Author, 2018. 80p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 29, 2019 at: https://www.globalwitness.org/en/campaigns/forests/total-systems-failure/ Year: 2018 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Climate Change Shelf Number: 155218 |
Author: Lowes, Sara Title: Blood Rubber: The Effects of Labor Coercion on Institutions and Culture in the DRC Summary: Abstract: We examine how historical exposure to extractive institutions affects long-run development in the case of the Congo Free State (CFS). The CFS granted concessions to private companies that used violent tactics to collect rubber. Local chiefs were co-opted into supporting the rubber regime, and individuals struggled to fulfill mandated quotas as natural rubber became increasingly scarce. We use a geographic regression discontinuity design along the former concession boundaries to show that greater exposure to extractive institutions causes significantly worse education, wealth and health outcomes. We then use survey and experimental data collected along a former concession boundary to examine how the effects of extractive institutions persist through local institutional quality and cultural norms. Consistent with their historical co-option by the concession companies, we find that chiefs within the former concessions are of lower quality and less accountable to their constituents. However, we find that individuals within the concessions are more trusting and have stronger norms of redistribution. The results demonstrate how historical events of short duration can have long-lasting effects on institutions and cultural norms. Details: Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University, Department of Economics, 2017. 51p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 25, 2019 at: https://economics.stanford.edu/sites/g/files/sbiybj9386/f/lowes_montero_rubber.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic Keywords: Democratic Republic of Congo Shelf Number: 157065 |